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Denmark stops all adoptions from Ethiopia

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By TheLocal

After a series of inspections at adoption facilities in the country, the Danish Ministry of Social Affairs and the Interior has decided to stop all adoptions from Ethiopia, the ministry announced on Tuesday.

The ministry said that a recent trip to Ethiopia by the Social Appeals Board (Ankestyrelsen) found “a worrying situation in relation to the handling of the adoption process in Ethiopia”. The board’s report, which was obtained by Politiken through a freedom of information request, said that Ethiopian adoption agencies often gave “inconsistent information” on the origins of children within the system and that the for-profit adoption system relies too heavily on money from foreign agencies, giving the Ethiopian centres a financial incentive to send children abroad rather than look for national solutions.

Adoptions had previously been suspended from both Ethiopia and Nigeria over concerns that women in those countries were illegally selling their children for adoption. Recent years have also seen a series of media stories that cast adoptions from Ethiopia in a negative light. As a result, Denmark put adoptions from Ethiopia under tighter controls but allowed them to continue in contrast to several other countries, including Sweden and Norway, that cut them off completely.

Now, Social Minister Karen Ellemann said that Denmark will follow suit.

“I no longer have the necessary confidence that adoptions from the country live up to the requirements we have in regards to the adoption process and that adoption is the best option for the children,” she said.

“We have followed the developments in Ethiopia for a long time and have sharpened our handling of cases in numerous ways in order to increase security. It now appears very doubtful that Ethiopia is moving in the right direction and the Ethiopian authorities themselves say that the various measures have had little actual effect,” Ellemann added.

The ministry’s decision means that Danish International Adoption will no longer add Danish parents to the waiting list for Ethiopian children and the agency will no longer accept new children from its previous Ethiopian partners.
Due in large part to a number of high-profile media cases, the number of Danes looking to adopt a child from abroad has plummeted in recent years.

In 2015, just roughly 100 children were brought to Denmark through international adoptions and only seven of those were from Ethiopia. By comparison, 1,183 Danes applied for international adoptions in 2005.

Source: The Local dk

(Video) FAO appealing for urgent aid to alleviate situation in Ethiopia

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By CCTV

The Afar region in Ethiopia is in a food crisis. The region is currently facing the worst drought in 50 years. Now the Food and Agricultural organization is appealing for 13 million dollars by the end of March to help alleviate the situation. As Leslie Mirungu reports things are so bad that people have now been forced to drink water from the same ponds as their animals

(Video) Eritrea aims for UNESCO heritage recognition

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Eritrea aims for UNESCO heritage recognition

(Video) Police forced to shoot in the air to save 23 Ethiopian aliens from in Kahawa West, Nairobi

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By K24TV

Anti-riot police were this morning forced to fire in the air to rescue 23 Ethiopian nationals from being lynched by angry residents who accused them of engaging in criminal activities.

The aliens who were being housed secretly near Kamae Administration Police post in Kahawa west, were saved from the angry mob who had swarmed on the house following the shooting of a Bodaboda rider.

Police were forced to shoot in the air to control the angry residents who were threatening to lynch the aliens accusing them of being responsible for the murder.

Ethiopia: Abused, starved and unpaid – A runaway maid in Oman

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Fatia entered Oman aged 17, pretending to be 24 (Joe Gill/MEE)


By Joe Gill | Middle East Eye

Her face lights up in a radiant smile as she lowers herself into the waves on the beach at Muscat. At 19, Fatia, a maid from Ethiopia, has never before seen nor felt the ocean.

It’s been a long, tough journey to arrive at this happy day. Fatia came here aged 17 two years ago with hopes of making a living in the Gulf, one of many thousands who make the journey. Many Omani families employ Ethiopians, who are paid significantly less than expatriate domestic workers from other countries.

“My village has no power or electricity. I wanted to work so I had money to go back to school and finish my studies. I wanted to save my family. I had seen how my sisters had suffered in poverty," she says.

“I wanted to come to the Middle East but I couldn’t. The Ethiopian agency told me that I had to give a different age on the application form. So I paid to change my birth certificate.

“Near my home in Sirri there is a government office where you can pay some money and they put whatever you want on the form. I told them I wanted a piece of paper saying I’m 24."

According to the rules in Ethiopia, girls who want to leave and work as maids in the Gulf must be at least 24. But many who go are much younger, and pay for false papers. Some 45,000 of them have come to work in Oman.

“All the girls I know want to go to the Middle East, to Dubai, to earn money to buy land and look after their family. I told my father I wanted to go – but he said I was too young. I said to him you can’t provide for me.“

Two older sisters had left to work in Saudi Arabia – one was still there, while another came back after two years because of maltreatment by her sponsors, says Fatia.

Because her father refused her request, she secretly went to Addis Ababa to get a passport, but he found out and took it.

Despite this, she was determined to follow in their footsteps.

“I cried every day. Then I secretly got another passport. I had a brother. He wanted to go Sirri to college. My father said no. My brother was very unhappy. Then he killed himself.

“When my father found out I had another passport he was worried he would lose me too unless he let me go. He didn’t want me to go but he didn’t have a choice because he saw me crying every day.”

She wanted to go to Saudi Arabia, where the pay is better, but she found out that the minimum age was 25.

"I went to an agency – they said I was too young. I had to pay to go to Oman."

The fee to enrol with the agency was 5000 Ethiopian Birr, or about $235. "My father sold an ox and some sheep to pay it," she said.

However, she also had to pay for X-ray, urine, blood test and fingerprints.

For girls whose papers are correct, Ethiopia’s labour ministry offers a three-hour course to prepare and inform women about their roles and the countries they are moving to. But Fatia did not go as she feared they would catch her and prevent her leaving.

A stranger in a strange country

It was when she arrived in Oman that things began to turn for the worse. The Omani agency met her at the airport along with other Ethiopian girls. They took her to an office in al-Khoud, north of Muscat, where the sponsor came to collect her.

"Only when I arrived in Muscat I saw in the contract it said 50 Omani rials a month ($130). I saw the paperwork listing different nationalities of maid – Indonesians got 80 rials, Philippines 100 rials and Ethiopian 50 rials."

After five days in Muscat taking medical tests and waiting for her visa, her first employer took her to live with his father on a farm outside Muscat.

“There were 14 people living in the house. The son returned to Muscat. I arrived at 9pm – they just said put your suitcase down and start cleaning. I went to bed at 11pm. At 5am I was up working again.”

On her first day, Fatia says the sponsor’s sister, a nurse, took a blood sample from her arm. "She took a lot of blood," and left a painful wound, Fatia recalls. "They didn’t care that I was hurt, they just said start work. My arm hurt for three days.”

There was a lot of work, and not much food, and she began to lose weight, dropping down to seven stone.

At the end of the first month they gave her 50 rial. At the end of the second month they did not pay her.

The withheld pay, lack of food and long working hours were only the start of it.

Hard work and harassment

Soon enough, the sponsor’s younger brother began to harass her.

"He followed me to the bathroom every day and watched me in the shower. He woke me at 4am and started asking me questions, but I didn’t understand what he was saying."

Fatia says he did not touch or attack her.

To begin with she could only communicate in broken English and a few words of Arabic.

“I had to do everything for 12 people. Nobody did any work. I was washing and rinsing clothes out in the hot sun.“

All the work was outside and she suffered sunburn that scarred her face.

"I told them I wanted to leave."

Meanwhile the sponsor had gone to Europe. The father told her she would have to wait six months.

"The next day I didn’t work. I put my clothes on, took my suitcase and I said take me back to the agency now.

“The father, Mohammed, said you are not leaving, we are not taking you to the office – if you want to go back to the agency, you have to pay 700 rial that we paid to them.

"I told him I didn’t get any money – I am not working. I want to leave.

"Then they took my suitcase. I ran away, even though they grabbed me and pulled at my clothes. In the struggle I lost one of my shoes. But I didn’t care – I just ran.

"The family went to a neighbour who had an Ethiopian maid and she spoke to me in the street. She said don’t run away, you will die – it’s just desert here.”

The other maid's boss offered to take her in for the night.

Then her sponsor’s sister came to the neighbour’s house and told her she had to come back.

"I said I’d rather kill myself than go back. Then the girl choked me – the family wanted to beat me up so I fought her and her brother and they left.”

'That Omani guy saved me'

The other family grew scared and told her she had to leave. "Then a neighbour came and asked why I was crying. I said I didn’t want to go back to the house. He said ‘That’s democracy – if you don’t want to go back, don’t go. I will take care of it.’"

He went to the first house and told them they couldn’t take her back. “You can’t force her to work for you," he said. They said no, so he demanded the phone number of the sponsor. He rang him and talked to him, explains Fatia.

After four days at the neighbour’s house, the sponsor called the father and said he had better take Fatia to the agency.

"That Omani guy saved me. If it wasn’t for him, I would never have escaped," Fatia says.

"He and the son told the father to take me back – so he did.

"I stayed at the agency for two weeks. The sponsor came back from Europe to cancel the contract. He asked me why I didn’t want to stay and I told him, so he cancelled it.

"Then I went to another Omani family with five kids living in the countryside. Now I asked for a salary of 60 rial. The sponsor said no problem. But his wife was not good. She didn’t have any food in the house  - she would go to her mum’s house next door to eat. She told me I had to get up at 4am and work till 10pm.

"At 9pm they would start to prepare dinner. They would eat at 10pm so I didn’t finish work till midnight. She told me to wash clothes by hand even though they had a machine.

“There were seven bedrooms in the house that I had to clean. I had to look after the babies too. My boss told me not to talk to anyone and refused to let me make any phone calls.

"I told the wife, I can’t go to bed at midnight and get up at 4am. If you don’t let me get up at 5am then I’m not going to work for you.

"She said no, so I told them I can’t do this. Her husband took me back to the agency.

"The agency were so mad at me, saying I didn’t want to work. I said I wanted to work but the people were not nice. If they are nice, I will work.

“They had to find another sponsor to cover the fees. I wanted to go back to my country. But they found another boss for me.”

Fatia had two other bad experiences with employers and reached a low-point where she desperately wanted to go home.

“This time the agent told me he was sending me back to Ethiopia. He said: ‘You don’t want to work.’

“But he sent me to another Omani. The people were not good at all. The kids were badly behaved, with lots of yelling – they told me not to talk to the kids and not to discipline them. Just clean up after them and shut my mouth.

“I lasted six days then I was back to the agency.

“I was so angry with myself because I wanted to come here to pay for school but my father ended up paying for me. I wanted to go home but I had no money so I couldn’t go home. I felt crazy.”

A better life

Then Fatia met Salma. She and her American husband came into the agency, and the agent saw an opportunity for a good match. He offered them an interview with Fatia. Salma told her she had four girls, and offered to pay 65 rial.

‘Come for a couple of days and see if you like it,’ she said.

“Initially I thought she would be the same as the Egyptian. But she wasn’t. She was nice, so I stayed.”

In January she called her mother in Ethiopia and she sounded strange. “I felt there was something wrong. She was hiding something.

“I called my uncle and he told me my father had died.”

Fatia sheds tears as she recalls this moment. “I feel sad because I didn’t listen to him. He warned me not to come here. Now I will never see him again.

“My family was hiding the truth from me because they did not want me to lose my job and stop sending them money. With my father gone, they needed me to support them.“

Salma told her she should go home to see her family.

When she arrived in her village in Ethiopia, she realised that almost all of her friends had also left to work in the Gulf. Those that were left wanted to go too.

“They said I looked good, I looked happy with new clothes and money.

“I tried to explain to them what it’s like but they didn’t listen. No one listened. They said there are good bosses and bad bosses – it’s a question of luck. They still want to take the chance.

“I would advise any young girl not to go. It’s not good for young girls because they are not ready for the difficulties they will face here. All they hear is good things. They don’t know the truth.

“I never told my family the truth – I didn’t want my father to know. My father told me ‘you are young and you have no idea what it will be like. It won’t be what you think.’

“Now my father has died, my mum sells vegetables and looks after my sister’s kids. I send all my salary to support them and buy seed for the farm. I don’t save anything for myself.

“I want to go to America with Salma. I don’t want to work for another family.”

Salma says Fatia's willingness to fight back against abuse and exploitation was unusual.

“Most girls would not be able to fight like her. She’s brave. Her friend was not paid for two years and had to go home with nothing.”

“I give her Friday off. I pay for all her necessities. She can call her friends and family whenever she wants on her phone. I took her to the Wave beach. She had never seen the sea. She was so happy.

“All her friends are stuck at home. They don’t get any free time to themselves.

“She’s a human being, but most people here don’t see it that way.”

*The names of the people in the story have been changed to protect their identities.

Ethiopia to pay $150,000 to raped girl

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By BBC

Africa's human rights court has ordered Ethiopia to pay $150,000 (£100,000) compensation to a rape victim for failing to protect her rights.

In 2003, Aberew Jemma Negussie was convicted of the abduction and rape of a 13-year-old girl.
This was overturned on appeal as the prosecutor said only a virgin could be raped, and the victim could not prove she had been a virgin.

Rights groups said this was a violation of local and international law.

In 2007, Equality Now took the case to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights as "local avenues to justice were exhausted".

Rights violated

Nine years later the commission, based in The Gambia, has ruled that Ethiopia had violated the girl's rights to equality, dignity and a fair trial, among others.

It said the money would be "compensation for the non-material damage she suffered as a result [of] the violations".

Equality Now described this as an "unprecedented ruling" that should send a message to "all levels of society".

The girl was abducted and raped in 2001, and after the incident was reported to the police she was rescued and the perpetrator was arrested.

Abducted twice

But, after being released on bail, Aberew abducted her again.

She was held for a month before escaping, but while captive was forced to write her name on a piece of paper that would later be used as evidence of marriage.

Abducting girls to be forcibly married is a traditional practice in parts of Ethiopia.

Ethiopian girls fight child marriages

After being caught for a second time, Aberew, and four accomplices were convicted in 2003, and he received a 10-year sentence.

They were then released on appeal, but Equality Now argued that the law had not been correctly applied as "virginity is not a legal prerequisite for the offence of rape".

Following the acquittal, rights groups used the case to get a change in the law in Ethiopia to ensure better protection for rape victims.

Equality Now says that the victim, now in her late 20s, is living in "relative safety and pursuing her education".

(Video) Kenya’s Equity Bank keen to open a full commercial bank operation in Ethiopia

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By CCTV

MPESA's introduction to the market in 2007 was marked by stiff opposition from commercial banks. Over a decade later, Kenyan banks are now trying to regain their competitive edge by setting up the Kenya Interbank Transaction Switch. Equity Bank's CEO, James Mwangi, made his case for why a system that settles transactions, even those involving cheques, in real time, is a long-overdue game changer, to CCTV's Ramah Nyang.

Ethiopia: Political Responsibility (Not Vague Apology) Should Come First

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PM Hailemariam Desalegne gave a vague apology for the hundreds of Oromo protesters his regime killed in a bid to slow down the protests. 


By Addis Standard

Save for yesterday’s vague ‘apology’ from Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, the ruling party in Ethiopia is dead silent on the scale of the tragedy that gripped Ethiopia recently. But it only takes a simple drive through villages within 100 -300km radius and a sit-and-talk session with villagers to understand that what happened in the last four months (and is happening to a lesser extent) has, by and large, left an ugly rupture in Ethiopia’s already wobbly state-citizen relationship.

The “Oromo Protests”, as it came to be popularly known, has left families reeling from the inexplicable pain inflicted upon them. The lives of young men and women on whose future the nation depends on are left hanging in the balance; and precious inter-religion and inter-ethnic bonds are left wondering on how exactly to mend a frightening rift. All this is owing to the state excesses in exercising what should have otherwise been exercised judiciously, with political maturity and caution.

Despite the unnerving silence by the state and its staunch supporters, however, the question of “what should be done next?” can fairly be summarized as the nation’s question. It is a troubling (and at the same time the only right question).

It is troubling because the answer to it directly points a finger at the political responsibly the governing coalition in Ethiopia must take as the first step to undo the mess its security apparatus is leaving behind. And it is the only right question because no state-citizen relationship in a democratic country (which the government in Ethiopia claims to be one) has ever escaped unscathed to last for long after similar damages; not at least since the early 1980s. (In 1983 President Raúl Alfonsín of Argentina created a truth and reconciliation commission called the National Commission on the Disappearances of Persons. He did so in an attempt to heal a nation that was devastated by the previous regime’s program of the National Reorganization Process).

Save for the controversies surrounding the end results, in Africa similar attempts made by the governments of South Africa in the wake of the collapse of the Apartheid regime, Rwanda and Kenya in the wake of the 1994 genocide and the 2007/8 post-election massacre respectively are but few examples that need reckoning.

Informed by history, it should be said, more and more countries that adopted their constitutions since the early 1980s have included passages that hold state-led excesses accounted for judicial procedures.

Despite it being undermined by cracks mostly attributed to its making it was exactly for this reason that the makers of Ethiopia’s current constitution included Article 12 of the constitution that provided the bases for conduct and accountability of the state.

It is a token of tribute to acknowledge that the countless young men and women who paid the ultimate sacrifices in the wake of the recent protest in Ethiopia have done so not only demanding what is rightfully theirs, but also in an act of bravery to protect the very constitution from a government that claims to have mothered it. They died not only fed up with state excesses but also demanding that the conducts of the state be answerable to the supreme law of the country.

Break the chain

This may be the first time that a sitting prime minister appeared vaguely apologetic on behalf of the federal government but this is not the first time that Ethiopians are ailing from a state inflicted pain. Since the establishment as a Federal Democratic Republic more than two decades ago (since the guns that defeated generations after generations of Ethiopians were supposedly silenced), countless young men and women have been killed in the hands of state security forces – all at peace times. From those who were killed protesting against Eritrea’s referendum in 1994, to those who died in early 2000 protecting academic freedom in state universities; from those who were killed opposing post Ethio-Eritrea political settlement in 2001 to those who were shot dead in broad day light in post 2005 election massacre; and the killings in 2014 which is as fresh in our memories as the killings that trailed it in the recent protest. Ethiopia is soaked with the blood of its own children killed in the hands of those who were supposed to protect them.

But in all these the only investigation of a sort into state-led killings Ethiopia has ever seen was the post 2005 killings inquiry commission. Tasked with investigating the wrongdoings, the inquiry commission delivered its verdict a few years later only to see its top inquirer become an asylum seeker after fleeing the country for his safety. (The inquiry commission already suffered withdrawal of credible individuals in protest against the state’s manipulation.)

Be that as it may, Ethiopians have not seen their government taking any responsibility (political or administrative) even after the inquiry commission delivered its verdict implicating the state in excessive use of force against unarmed protesters.

It may be fair to say that Ethiopians are resilient survivors; after each tragedy of a similar sort they have picked themselves up, dust themselves off and have started all over again. But what happened in recent months is testing the nation’s fortitude.

It is going to take more than a head in the sand and a deafening silence followed by a vague apology (as good a gesture as the later may be) to repair the rupture in state-citizen relation the recent crackdown left in its wake. It will take a brave political responsibility to heal the wounds cracked open by the lives of hundreds who were killed; to repair the shattered lives of thousands; and to return the countless numbers of young men and women sent into prison.

The ruling party in Ethiopia should understand that doing so is going to do it good than bad.

(Video) Bekenat mekakel part 40 New Ethiopian Drama 2016

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Bekenat mekakel part 40 New Ethiopian Drama 2016

Ethiopian Premier vows to crackdown on the growing demand by ethnic groups for self-administration

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Ethiopian Premier vows to crackdown on the growing demand by ethnic groups for self-administration and identity recognition

By ESAT

Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn vowed to crash demands by several ethnic groups in the country for self-administration and assertion of their identity, what the people believe was their constitutional rights.

The premier, presenting his six month report to the rubber stamp parliament with all its seats taken by the ruling coalition EPRDF, admitted that the increasing demand for recognition of identity and self-administration had become a headache to his government.

The premier’s statement was seen as incongruous to the federal system and the constitution of the land that gives autonomy to ethnic groups in the administration of their affairs and respect to their identity and culture.

The premier told the parliament, which has no member from an opposition party, that the demand by the people of Qimant to be recognized as separate from Amhara was legitimate while on the other hand the demand by the people of Wolkait, Konso, Kuncha and Sidama, to name a few, for assertion of their identity and self-administration was not justifiable.

His latest statement, like his usual hocus-pocus, was puzzling to many who see the prime minister as a stooge whose task was just parroting the words of the TPLF oligarchs who wield real political power.


(Video) Ethiopian woman who lives on the street of Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

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Ethiopian woman who lives on the street of Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

Ethiopia's Renaissance Dam: What options are left for Egypt?

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Egypt is running out of options with the wayward TPLF regime


By Omar Halawa | Ahram

In an extended speech last month, President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi commented on Ethiopia's controversial Grand Renaissance Dam, vowing that water treatment stations were being built to compensate for any lack of potable water during the first filling of the dam.

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, known as GERD and dubbed a main challenge for Egyptian diplomacy, is under construction on the Blue Nile. Cairo is concerned about its effects on Egypt's 55 billion cubic metre-share of Nile water, as the dam is expected to be Africa's largest hydroelectric power plant with a storage capacity of 74 billion cubic metres.

While Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan are awaiting two studies being conducted by French firms BRL and Artelia on the dam's impacts, many experts predict that the dam will operate and start its first filling process in 2017 regardless of the reports' recommendations, amid Egyptian concerns about the Ethiopian side and whether it will be dliigent in trying not to harm Egypt's interests and water resources.

Hani Sewilam, managing director of the UNESCO Chair on Hydrological Changes and Water Resources Management at Germany's RWTH Aachen University, told Ahram Online that "it does not make sense that we assess the impacts of the Ethiopian dam after its construction," referring to the three countries, especially Egypt, that are waiting for the French firms' reports.

The reports, which are expected to take 11 months to complete, were just started last month.

"We have never heard of this in the history of engineering. Normally, the country intending to build a dam [Ethiopia] in consultation with downstream countries [Egypt and Sudan] carry out all the studies, design scenarios, assess the impacts (economic, social, and environmental) and then select the design scenario with the minimum negative impacts and maximum positive impacts," Sewilam said via email.

"In our current case, bythe time the two firms complete the impact studies, the construction process of the dam will be done. What will we [Egypt] do if the studies show significant impacts on the downstream countries? Will we demolish the dam? Will we be able to modify the body of an existing dam? Or are they [Ethiopia] just consuming time because they know that the answer for all these questions is a big NO?"

From a legal perspective, Ayman Salama, professor of international law and member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs (ECFA), articulates that Egypt doesn't have the right to ask Ethiopia to stop the building process under any conditions.

"The March declaration, signed last year by President El-Sisi and his counterparts, Ethiopian Prime Minster Hailemariam Desalegn, and Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir, did not stipulate that any of the countries can ask Addis Ababa to stop the construction process under any conditions," Salama told Ahram Online.

Therefore, what options does Egypt have regarding the dam's construction?

A to-do list

Sherine El-Baradei, assistant professor in the Department of Construction and Architectural Engineering at the American University in Cairo, said that both Egypt and Ethiopia can try to settle on two main things: the operational process of the dam and the number of years dedicated to filling it.

"We can make an agreement that when it's the agricultural season for Egypt's peasants, Ethiopia can't close the dam's gate to generate electricity since we will be in need of the water flow for the inauguration process, especially that 85 percent of Nile water that goes towards agriculture and the remaining 15 percent for drinking," El-Baradei told Ahram Online.

She went on to say that Egypt needs to persuade Ethiopia to increase the years of filling the dam, which is set to be from five to seven years. She said that set period will reduce Egypt's share of water from 12 to 25 percent while adding more years will minimise the detrimental effects of the dam.

Sewilam listed some facts that Egypt must consider while negotiating with Ethiopia, such as connecting the construction time-plan with the impact assessment time-plan, as the "construction should go hand-in-hand with the negotiations and assessment, not ten times faster as is the case right now."

This is in addition to reducing the storage capacity of the dam, "because Ethiopia does not need to store 74 billion cubic meters, which is equivalent to the annual share of the Nile water of Egypt and Sudan combined."

In an interview with state TV last week, Prime Minster Sherif Ismail said that the main dilemma is the number of years set for filling the dam. Ismail vowed that Egypt is currently negotiating with Ethiopia in order to ensure a range of nine to 12 years.

But for Nader Nour El-Din, professor of water resources at Cairo University, Egypt's stance on the Renaissance dam issue is "backwards and critical."

"We are still in the status of negotiating with Ethiopia and the latter started the building process in April 2011, and in March 2015 we signed a deceleration of principles which was a carte blanche for Addis Ababa to go build the dam with its current measurements and storage capacity," Nour El-Din told Ahram Online.

"In July, Ethiopia will start the first process of generating electricity and by October 2017 the dam is expected to operate in its full capacity and options and this means that a very large amount of water will be retained behind the dam," said Nour El-Din.

Nour El-Din argues that Egypt should negotiate with the Ethiopians on reducing the height of the project's smaller side dam, which is currently set at 45 metres high, and try to reduce it to between 20 to 22 metres, as the current height would allow the dam to hold 60 billion cubic metres of water. The main dam, although 145 metres high, will only retain 14 billion cubic metres of water, as it is surrounded by 16 electricity generating turbines.

"The main dam is allocated for generating electricity while the side dam is just for water reserves and it won't affect the power generation process of Ethiopia if reduced the amount of the reserved water is reduced," Nour El-Din added.

Other water alternatives

Meanwhile, Prime Minster Ismail explained in the TV interview the other regulations and policies Egypt is willing to implement as alternatives to Nile water, such as treating sewage water, which can provide 4 billion cubic metres, as well as using new irrigation methods to save water.

The prime minister added that the government will resort to linking some canals, providing between 1 and 1.5 billion cubic metres of water.

Egypt is coordinating with other African countries on a regional project aiming to link Victoria Lake with the Mediterranean Sea, helping to divert more water to the Nile.

Echoing Ismail's listed regulations, Sewilam asserted that some Egyptian researchers are currently working in different concentrations, such as water treatment, water recycling, increased irrigation efficiency, and desalination.

"My team and I are working now at the American University in Cairo on an experiment using a new technique and solar energy to desalinate water for agricultural purposes," Sewilam said.

El-Baradei also said that the government needs to consider using wells as a water resource, but only after treating the saltwater. Political solutions

Technical issues aside, ECFA's Salama believes that the ongoing direct negotiations between the three countries are the only solution to reach a deal to end this dilemma.

"The March declaration didn't stipulate that any of the three countries can resort to international arbitration, so I think Egypt will continue on negotiating to minimise the threats it could suffer from the Ethiopian dam," Salama said.

"But I think that other international mediators can play a role in the negotiations. Sudan's Al-Bashir told media outlets that Saudi Arabia is instrumental in the negotiation process and this factor could be a good card for Egypt to play, as the Saudis own investments related to the Ethiopian dam," he explained.

Salama said that even if Egypt and Ethiopia agreed on solving the technical disputes, they would still need to meet to sign protocols in terms of the operation, security, and management of the dam.

Cairo University's Nour El-Din argues that Egyptian officials need to seal a new deal with Ethiopians which stipulates that the latter have to guarantee the release of an identified amount of water to Egypt on daily and annual basis.

Sewilam, however, believes that the solution ultimately lies in greater cooperation between the Nile Basin countries to secure water and other natural resources.

"There should be integrated Water-Energy-Food plan for all the Nile Basin countries. We should be thinking of self-sufficiency of resources by complementing each other as for example we need to identify the countries in the basin which can generate energy and other countries which can supply water and also the countries that can make use of water and energy to produce enough food for the whole basin," he explained.

"I think the lack of trust, cooperation, and participatory long-term planning between all the Nile basin countries are the main reasons for the current situation," Sewilam added.


Oromo protesters: 'We are still on the streets because we want self-rule'

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Oromo protesters have put up barricades on the road in the town of Wolenkomi, some 60km west of Addis Ababa (Credit: AFP)


By Ludovica Iaccino | IBTimes

Hundreds of people from Oromia, Ethiopia's largest state, are still protesting on the streets calling for self-rule. An activist who spoke to IBTimes UK on condition of anonymity explained that Oromo people, Ethiopia's biggest ethnic group, were also protesting against the alleged violence carried out by security forces against demonstrators.

Protesters in Oromia first took to the streets in November 2015 to voice their dissent against a government draft plan that aimed to expand the boundaries of the capital Addis Ababa. They argued the so-called "Addis Ababa master plan" would lead to forced evictions of Oromo farmers who will lose their land and would undermine the survival of the Oromo culture and language.

The Ethiopian government scrapped the master plan following increasing agitation which activists claimed led to the death of at least 200 people.

However, Oromo people have continued their protest arguing, among other things, that they did not trust the authorities.

"The issue of the master plan was only an immediate cause," a source close to the campaigners said. "The root causes are real demands for Oromo self-rule, democracy and rule of law, among others and the government has continued to respond violently."

The activist also claimed that during student protests which occurred on 8 March, police allegedly arrested more than 50 people and injured many.

"Student protests occurred at some large universities including Addis Ababa University, Jima University and Wallaga University," the source added.

"At Addis Ababa , Oromo students demonstrated for the second round in front of the US embassy chanting 'we are not terrorists, we are Oromo, stop the killings in Oromia'. In Wallaga, government forces beat and injured many students. Hospital beds were overflowing with injured students and ambulances were prevented from taking victims to hospitals in other cities around that part of Oromia," the source alleged.

Government dismisses allegations of violence

The Ethiopian embassy in London has not responded to a request for comment on the fresh allegations.

On 21 February, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a report warning that at least 200 people had been killed with further arrests of Oromo protesters by security forces, including the military.

However, Ethiopia dismissed the allegations with an official telling IBTimes UK the HRW report was "abysmal propaganda." The government claimed the death toll was much lower than 200 but did not give a specific figure. Protesters were also accused of trying to secede and create an independent Oromia state.

An earlier statement by the Ethiopian embassy sent to IBTimes UK stated that the government engaged in public consultations which resulted in the decision to scrap the master plan. Authorities also launched an investigation to identify people behind "corrupt land acquisition practices", loss of innocent lives and damage to private and public properties. The investigation has led to a number of arrests.

Ethiopia: People in Dabat, north Gondar joining armed resistance groups in big numbers

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City of Gondar

By ESAT

A considerable number of people are leaving Dabat, north Gondar, to join the armed resistance groups in northern Ethiopia following a brutal crackdown by the Ethiopian security forces against the residents of Dabat who revolted against the minority government, according to a source who spoke on the phone with ESAT Radio on Tuesday.

The people of Dabat last week staged a protest blocking major roads leading to Debark, Shire and Mekelle. Residents of this north Gondar town are demanding for the TPLF, the clique ruling the country, to be removed from power.

The source said following last week protest, regime’s forces imprisoned dozens of people and those who dodged the arrest have left the town to join Patriotic Ginbot 7, an armed resistance group operating in northern Ethiopia.

The source said the people of Dabat had gallantly fought the TPLF during its days as a guerilla group in northern Ethiopia, and once it assumed power in Addis Ababa, operatives of the regime have been taking what the source said was retaliatory measures for the last 25 years.

He said the people in Dabat have also been resisting the annex of Wolkait-Tegede-Telemt to Tigray, an area which he said have always been part of Gondar and a sub region within Dabat.

Representatives of Dabat last week went to a meeting in Gondar and expressed their solidarity with the people of Wolkait-Tegede-Telemt in their struggle to assert their identity and return the land forcefully annexed to Tigray when TPLF took power 25 years ago.

Eritrea Asked to Open its Ports for Ethiopia’s Famine Relief

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Eritrea's Massawa port - (Credit: Andre Vltchek )

By Hank Cohen

The severe Ethiopian famine that is just over the horizon will require the use of Eritrean ports to handle the massive arrival of food relief from the international community. The sheer volume of food for 40 million people cannot be processed solely by the port of Djibouti and the railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba.

It is important that Ethiopia and Eritrea start making arrangements immediately for the opening of the Eritrean ports of Asab and Masawa so as to receive the ships carrying the famine relief. These ports have easy access to northern Ethiopia where most of the need exists.

While they are making arrangements, I recommend that the two governments discuss how to make Ethiopian access to these two ports permanent. At the same time, cross-border trade should be resumed.

This would be a win-win result for both countries.



In Ethiopia, journalist detained since 2013 handed jail sentence

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By CPJ

New York, March 11 2016 — Solomon Kebede, the managing editor of the now-defunct Ethiopian paper Ye Muslimoch Guday (Muslim Affairs), was sentenced to prison Thursday, more than three years after being jailed on anti-terrorism charges. CPJ was not immediately able to reconcile conflicting reports on the exact length of the prison sentence.Press Freedom in Ethiopia

“Since his arrest in January 2013, Solomon Kebede has been put through a terrible ordeal, punished for nothing more than carrying out his work as a journalist,” said CPJ Deputy Executive Director Robert Mahoney. “Ethiopia must put a stop to this abuse of power and stop using anti-terror laws as a guise for cracking down on critical voices.”

The Ethiopia Human Rights Project, a non-governmental organization, reported on its Twitter feed today that Solomon was sentenced to three years and 11 months. However, two journalists familiar with the case, who asked not to be identified for fear of reprisal, told CPJ the sentence was four years and 10 months and that time already served would count toward the jail term. CPJ was unable to determine the exact charge. Ethiopia is the second worst jailer of journalists in Africa, with 10 imprisoned for their work at the time of CPJ’s annual prison census on December 1.

Ethiopia, Kenya among 5 nations in ‘critical care’ over doping

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"There are no immediate sanctions, it's just a wake-up call at this point" - IAAF president Sebastian Coe


By AFP

World athletics’ governing body, the IAAF, on Friday named five countries including east African track giants Ethiopia and Kenya as being in “critical care” over their anti-doping programmes.

“The reform process has led to more information being shared and recommendations owed at Council level around the fight to protect clean athletes,” IAAF president Sebastian Coe said.

“To this end, our review by anti-doping teams has identified five countries who the IAAF Council have agreed are in critical care at different degrees.”

Coe said Ethiopia and Morocco had to “implement as a matter of urgency a robust and adequate national testing programme, both in and out of competition”.

Kenya, Ukraine and Belarus were also “put on an IAAF monitoring list for 2016 to ensure their national anti-doping programmes are significantly strengthened and their journey to compliance completed before the end of this year”, Coe added.

“There are no immediate sanctions, it’s just a wake-up call at this point,” the IAAF president said.

“Serious sanctions, also provided for within IAAF rules, will only be considered if they don’t comply with Council requirements.”

Ethiopia and Morocco consistently rank among the top countries in the world for middle and long-distance running.

Recent Ethiopian doping cases include last year’s Tokyo Marathon winner Endeshaw Negesse, one of nine Ethiopian athletes being probed over doping and who tested positive for Meldonium.

Meldonium, for which Russian tennis star Maria Sharapova this week announced she had tested positive, was the same recently-banned substance Sweden’s Ethiopian-born ex-world 1500m champion Abeba Aregawi had also failed for.

Morocco has long been accused of doping, with 37 of its athletes suspended by the IAAF since 2003.

The wake-up call also comes at a pertinent time for Kenya, who topped the medals table at last year’s World Athletics Championships in Beijing.

With about 40 Kenyan athletes caught up in drug scandals in three years and athletics supremo Isaac Mwangin being suspended for corruption involving cover ups, the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) has already stepped in to tell the African nation to enact reform.

“They are very well aware of what they need to do. They need to reply to us by April 5,” said WADA president Craig Reedie.

“They simply need to do it. If they don’t do it my compliance review committee will take the matter further,” insisted the Briton, adding a declaration of non-compliance was possible after WADA had brought to light institutionalised doping in Kenya.

“We understand funding is now available and they (Kenya) need to pass legislation, we know the type of legislation they are talking about which is acceptable”.

The T-TPLF Crocodile Weeps in Ethiopia!

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After murdering nearly 400 Oromo protesters, the TPLF regime sheds crocodile tears

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

Hailemariam Desalegn and his T-TPLF have massacred hundreds of people over the past few months. Now, they are on a charm offensive.

A couple of days ago, in Ethiopia’s monkey (kangaroo) parliament, a member is videotaped burying his face in a piece of paper and belting out with rhetorical flair three exquisitely phrased questions:

What do you think is the reason why problems in the kilils [bantustans/homelands] have not been resolved speedily?

What is the current situation like?

What do you say are the sources of these problems?

It is obvious that the questions were planted in advance for Hailemariam Desalegn, the T-TPLF (Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front) marionette prime minister, to punt, to score a penalty kick without a goalkeeper.

Hailemariam waxed eloquent with an air of philosophical absorption:

We have said that in all areas we have problems of good governance. In Oromia, our farmers did not get into the conflict.  But they have presented questions. When different elements changed it into bloodshed, the farmers turned away. They said they don’t want it. They said we presented questions. The questions are correct.  They said their question is about good governance. But they did not want to start a situation where there will be bloodshed. They wanted this party and the ruling regime to answer the questions for them.  So the lesson we learn from this is that hereafter whether it is farmers or urban dwellers, because they are [politically] conscious, we cannot live stuck to their shoulder [back]. [Hailemariam’s Amharic metaphor sounds much like, “We cannot be monkeys on their backs.]  Things that need to be corrected, we have to correct [them] speedily. We have to take ownership of the problem. When this is done, I have no questions [doubt] that other [destabilizing] elements will fail. Therefore, the major issue is inside the ruling party and EPRDF party, membership organizations, auxiliary organizations in the kilils [ethnic homelands] is to fix the problems of rent-seeking [ripping off the system], corruption, bad administration.

What exactly is Hailemariam’s hidden agenda?

Is Hailemariam sending up a trial balloon to gauge public reaction? Is he trying to draw sympathy?  Is he pocking his finger in the hole in the dam to stop the flood that is about to scrub and wash out  the T-TPLF?

Did Hailemariam’s  T-TPLF bosses put him up to this stunt in “parliament”?

The whole good cop bad cops routine with the Q&As was pretty entertaining.

What exactly is Hailemariam saying? I hear him talking but I am not feeling him.

I hear him saying that the popular uprising in Ethiopia against the T-TPLF is the work of “outside agitators”.  What does that mean? The people are so dumb that somebody has to point out for them that they are being taken for a ride; the T-TPLF is ripping off their land and it is their fault for being homeless.

I hear him saying there is no mass uprising against the T-TPLF. Just polite farmers asking abstract political questions about good governance and that sort of thing.

I hear him saying there is no issue of T-TPLF land-grabbing, only  general discontent about corruption, rent-seeking, etc,.

Hailemariam is talking loud but sayin’ nothin’.

I read headlines all over Ethiopian Diaspora media, “Hailemariam apologizes…”

How simple-minded for so many of us to be duped by the T-TPLF media circus.

No wonder the T-TPLF can play circles around us time and time again.

We are so eager to beat our chests and declare victory at the first sign of what appears to be self-criticism by the T-TPLF.

We blow things out of proportion. Hailemariam/T-TPLF “apologizes”? What the hell does that even mean?

Is Hailemariam really apologizing? If so, for what? For of hundreds of unarmed demonstrators the T-TPLF massacred? For land-grabbing? For corruption? For abuse of power? For imposing a reign of terror on Ethiopia for a quarter of a century?

So many of us in the diaspora are quick to forget that the T-TPLF is a vampiric organization.

The T-TPLF thrives by sucking the vitality of everything around it.

Yet the headline reads, “Hailemariam apologizes.”

Hailemariam’s T-TPLF bosses do not know the meaning of the word “apologize”.

Did Meles Zenawi ever apologize for the hundreds of unarmed protesters whose massacres he personally ordered  following the 2005 election? Has the T-TPLF ever apologized for the 2005 election massacre?

The only thing the T-TPLF bosses know about “apologizing” is having their victims apologize to them. The T-TPLF calls it “pardon”.  The T-TPLF will falsely accuse someone, jail them indefinitely, bring them to their monkey (kangaroo) court when they want, get them convicted, sentenced to years and then demand an apology as the price the victims have to pay to get out of jail.

That is the only kind of apology the T-TPLF knows.

The T-TPLF jailed my young sister Reeyot  Alemu to 14 years, reduced to five on appeal, and kept her incarcerated for 4 years because she refused false testimony and for refusing to apologize to the T-TPLF and get an early release.

The only reason Hailemariam is cranking out all that drivel in the T-TPLF monkey parliament is because he is forced to face the facts by the people who are defiantly rising up against him (symbolically of course; one cannot rise up against a marionette/puppet) and his T-TPLF bosses.

The people have crossed the Rubicon, the point of no return. The T-TPLF has got to go, go, go… and NOW!

The fact of the matter is that Hailemariam and his T-TPLF bosses can see before their eyes the ethnic federalism ball of yarn they have been weaving for 25 years is unravelling.

As it unravels it is entangling them completely.  The more the T-TPLF tries to untangle the yarn, the more the T-TPLF gets tangled in it.

Ethnic federalism is today T-TPLF’s tar baby. Ethnic federalism is stuck on the T-TPLF and the T-TPLF is stuck on ethnic federalism.

The ethnic federalism “Frankenstein” the T-TPLF created is now getting ready to gobble up the T-TPLF.

Pity the T-TPLF heathens! They are untutored in the divine maxim: “For whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.”

Hailemariam’s monkey parliament drivel is the beginning of the T-TPLF’s charm offensive to get into the good graces of the Ethiopian people.

Too late. The resistance to T-TPLF tyranny is spreading like wildfire throughout the country. I predicted almost 10 years ago the fire the T-TPLF started would one day consume it.

The T-TPLF started the ethnic federalism fire. Now the ethnic federalism fire is consuming the T-TPLF.

The T-TPLF will soon find out the meaning of the maxim, “For whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.”

But I absolutely agree with Hailemariam on one point.

Hailemariam said the Ethiopian people are now “politically conscious [awake], we [T-TPLF] cannot live stuck to their shoulder [back].”

Preach on Hailemariam!

Yeah, the T-TPLF monkey has been on the backs of the Ethiopian people for a quarter of a century.

Get that damn monkey off their backs!

What Hailemariam did not say is that the people of Ethiopia are not only “awake” but they are also keeping their eyes wide open. They can see everything.

They can see the T-TPLF is a clay-footed vampire. They are not afraid of it.

The T-TPLF is scared, _ _ _ tless.

Hailemariam’s blithering pronouncements are intended to be an olive branch, a peace offering.

But Ethiopians must see through T-TPLF’s smoke and mirrors games.

The T-TPLF wants to fool the people into believing that they are sorry, contrite, chastened, humbled.

The T-TPLF wants to confess they have learned their lessons. They have been bad boys.  Yeah, right!

But is all a game.  The T-TPLF bosses believe they can stay in power forever playing their stupid games by outsmarting, outfoxing, outmaneuvering, out-finessing and out-tricking  their opponents.

Hailemariam’s answers in monkey parliament represent colossal insults to the intelligence of the Ethiopian people.

Hailemariam lectures the people that the problem is the absence of good governance, the intensity of corruption, maladministration and rent-seeking (his most favorite phrase which he repeats every media chance he gets to impress his intellectual pretentiousness).

Hailemariam talks about good governance!? Didn’t Hailemariam and his T-TPLF bosses claim they had won the 2015 elektion by taking 100 percent of the seats in their monkey parliament? By the way, I predicted the T-TPLF would declare victory by 100 percent a year before the May 2015 elektion.

I don’t get it. What the hell is wrong with this guy? Can’t he see that the ultimate proof of bad governance is that one party wins 100 percent of everything!!!

Or is he just parroting what his T-TPLF bosses are telling him?

Here is the doozy. Hailemariam and his T-TPLF got Barack Obama to visit Ethiopia in July 2015 and managed to get Obama to say: “I don’t bite my tongue too much when it comes to these issues. We are opposed to any group that is promoting the violent overthrow of a government, including the government of Ethiopia, that has been democratically elected.” (What did Obama have before he made a boob out of himself with that silly statement? I don’t mean coffee either.)

Is the one hundred percent election victory the catastrophic failure of “good governance” that Hailemariam was talking about?

Hailemariam is directed by his T-TPLF bosses to mount a charm offensive to get the T-TPLF’s read end out of the ringer. I get it.

Hailemariam is told by his T-TPLF bosses that the T-TPLF has learned its lessons and it is reasonable. The T-TPLF will be nice from now on.  Let bygones be bygones. Forget and forgive.  Swear it.  Scout’s honor.

Sniff… sniff… Is Hailemariam also insinuating, implying that the T-TPLF is kinda, sorta ready to “negotiate”, “reconcile”?

Hailemariam and his T-TPLF bosses know three things for sure now: 1) They can no longer play their game of killing and massacring to cling to power. 2) The people have reached a critical mass and mass uprisings are forming everywhere. 3) The T-TPLF is in its end game.

The only question is whether Hailemariam and his T-TPLF bosses can bull_ _ _ t their way out of this mess.

I tried to arrange an imaginary interview with Hailemariam  to find out.

When I called the imaginary number, a marionette (puppet) answered.

Hello… hello….

Silence. The sound of silence.

I found out marionettes (puppets) don’t talk. Their voice comes from their puppet master.  Aha!

I am not heartless guy. I have words of comfort for the T-TPLF crocodile: Don’t cry for Ethiopia, T-TPLF. Weep for yourself. For it is written, “For whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.”

I have tough words of warning to All Ethiopians. Never forget that after the crocodile is finished shedding tears, he is still a crocodile.

Gayle Smith to the Rescue of TPLF

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Gayle Smith


A Week in the Horn Gayle Smith on the Rescue
By Amanuel Biedemariam

The opposition to Gayle Smith’s appointment as the head of United States Agency for International Development (USAID) by aid groups and humanitarian activists was considerable. Gayle Smith draws tremendous attention particularly due to her past connection to the late tyrant Meles Zenawi when he lead the Tigrayan People’s Liberatiobn Front (TPLF) in 1984, during Ethiopia’s worst famine that shook the world with the pictures of starving, bloated emaciated children and, for her unwavering support of the regime after they took power 1991.

According to Thomas C Mountain’s Countercurrents.org,

“Gayle Smith started her career in service to the American Empire as an undercover CIA operative posing as a journalist in the Horn of Africa in the late 1970’s. Taking her duty seriously, she became the mistress of a guerilla fighter known by the nom de guerre of “Jamaica” in the Marxist-Leninist-Enver Hoxha-ite Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), then fighting for independence from the Soviet Union supported Mengistu regime in Ethiopia.”

In 1991 Smith ended her career as a “Journalist” and later became Chief of Staff of the USAID. A move that raised eyebrows and cemented legacy that is associated with shadiness and conduit to tyrants.

Her recent appointment as a head of USAID was also met with resistance. Despite the opposition however, Smith is in charge and increasingly involved on affairs related to the Horn of African countries and particularly Ethiopia.

In March 4, 2016 Smith announced the deployment of a Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) to Ethiopia. Smith said,           

"We are acting to prevent a major humanitarian crisis and protect Ethiopia's hard-earned development progress,"

This announcement drew yet another round of criticism by Human Rights activists and Ethiopians worldwide. Moreover, Ethiopians are increasingly at edge in light of the intense opposition to the government and massive continuous demonstrations in Oromia which is now spreading throughout the country.

Smith’s announcement is therefore met with suspicion and reminded many of her past with the late Meles Zenawi. The reaction in social media in particularly has been harsh. One of the leading Diaspora Oromia activists Jawar Mohammed wrote, 

“Gayle Smith symbolizes the failure of US foreign policy towards Ethiopia. She began working on Ethiopia during the 1984 famine. She funneled aid money to the then Tigrean rebel group helping them capture state power. 32 years later she is leading USAID to deal with a famine created by the very group she helped bring to power and served as key foreign supporter for 25 years. Therefore this famine is as much a creation of TPLF as it is of people like Gayle Smith and Susan Rice. I bet their latest stint to 'save lives' from famine is just another cover to generate money and use it save their crumbling Tigrean friends.”

In 1984-85 at the height of the worst Ethiopian famine, The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front siphoned millions of dollars of aid money. According to the BBC March 3, 2010 article, “Ethiopia Aid Money Spent on Weapons,” 

“Former rebel leaders told the BBC that they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money. They used the cash to fund attempts to overthrow the government of the time. One rebel leader estimated $95m (£63m) - from Western governments and charities - was channelled into the rebel fight.”

The TPLF has a checkered past particularly in relation to misuse of aid. The TPLF has mastered the art deception telling the world that they are doing well by the people and the future of the country when in reality they are corrupt and inept on handling the affairs of the nation. Above all they are ruthless genocidal killers that terrorized the people of Ethiopia for almost three decades.

Gayle Smith’s announcement brought-back memories of recent past and it could not have come at the worst time as Ethiopians all over and, particularly in Oromia have been fighting for the very-life of the nation for over three months as direct result of the repression. Hence, giving assistance to the regime brutalizing en mass is seen as buying it life to further suppress and indirectly continue the repression.

The TPLF does not need aid or Disaster Assistance Response Team. If the TPLF was capable to help facilitate genuine aid, the current problem would have been averted. Furthermore, for aid to be effective, the TPLF must address the core issues and find fundamental solution to the uprising and nations woes.

Instead, the TPLF has effectively turned Ethiopia into a country at war with itself by assigning military generals particularly in Oromia where it is losing control fast and killing demonstrators with brute force.

Why Aid and Why Now?

According to Gayle Smith, it is to “Prevent a major humanitarian crisis and protect Ethiopia's hard-earned development progress

However, it is rather easy to argue that US policies in general and assistances that the Obama administration provide the regime will have a negative impact and bring about the very crisis that they claim are acting to avert.

President Obama has done a disservice to the American people by allowing Gayle Smith and Ambassador Susan Rice to be his principal advisors on African matters and particularly Ethiopia as they have been closely linked to the genocidal regime for decades.

Smith and Rice’s close association with the president has denied the American people sophisticated, intelligent and balanced approach to African related issues. It closed-off the door to the American people and denied them opportunity to debate matters with the importance and urgency necessary that can bring lasting solutions, transparent foreign policy that places US interests in the forefront. In short, US foreign policy of the Horn of Africa is lacking brain power necessary. DART is an expression of the flowed policy.

Moreover, when the Obama Whitehouse endorsed the 100% election victory claim of the TPLF as a legitimate democratic election result and, particularly after Susan Rice laughed as she replied to a journalist to a question regarding the validity of the lection during a press conference to announce President Obama’s visit to Ethiopia for the African Union gathering; Ethiopians have lost faith on the Obama administration.         

Ultimately the minority TPLF regime is responsible for the current developments, the atrocities and the downward trajectory of the nation. However, the timing of DART and the unwavering support that successive US administrations give to the minority TPLF regime and the Obama administration particularly Gayle Smith and Susan Rice’s close ties with the regime is good enough reason to hardening the position of Ethiopian opposition parties. The Oromo uprising is a reflection of the hopelessness and it also demonstrates that Ethiopia can no longer expect the international community particularly US to become advocate for justice on their behalf. 

Conclusion

Hence, no aid or assistance regardless of the frequency or volume can alter the developments in Ethiopia. On an article posted on Ecadf February 25, 2016, “Ethiopia at the Eleventh Hour of Peaceful Change,” Dr. Messay Kebede penned,

“In case some TPLFites are confused about the situation, I remind them that the new occurrence is that the Oromo people have finally overcome their fear. History repeatedly shows that people who have defeated fear cannot be stopped, with the added fact that the recovery of courage is a contagious phenomenon. Such a movement can be temporarily blocked, but it cannot be crushed.”

This is true in Gondar, Hararage, Bale, Ogaden and all-over the country. Ethiopia is on fire everywhere and, in short-time the world will be exposed to the reality on the ground and hopefully it is not too late. Ethiopia is fed up by the brutality of the apartheid minority regime that shamelessly shackled human beings like animals in Gambela as they forcefully takeover their land in the name of development to land grab. Hence no Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) can change the future trajectory of Ethiopia absent of genuine people based change.

Awetnayu@hotmail.com

(Vieo) Ethiopian Muslims Protested at Nur Mosque in Addis Ababa

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Ethiopian Muslims Protested at Nur Mosque in Addis Ababa
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