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Why Do Ethiopians Trivialize Truth and Tolerate Lies?

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Recently I had an opportunity to speak at a conference in Washington D.C. The conference was a gathering of various Ethiopian political parties in the Diaspora. One of the main points of discussion at this conference was aimed at finding an answer to the question why opposition political parties do not effectively work together for a common goal and how they can come together to offer themselves as an alternative to the regime in power if the regime collapses or goes away sooner or later. In this article, I expand my talk at this conference where I offered what I take to be one plausible answer to the question raised at the conference, which I think has a much broader implication for our society, in the realm of politics and otherwise. In my view, one of the main reasons why we, Ethiopians, in general, suffer from a continuous lack of genuine cooperation to effectively work for the common good is because of the way we, generally, treat truth or the value of truth. That is, in my view, our society and culture trivializes truth and the value of truth. I take it that treating truth trivially, among other things, leads to some of the widespread problems in our country. This article develops this idea.

Trivializing Truth

We do not need to dwell on various theories of truth (there are several) in order to make progress with the issues I am interested to address in this piece. [I make use of the idea of truth as correspondence without comparing it to other theories since it is the most basic of idea of truth]. It is enough to note that all of us have some idea about what “truth” is without a help from theoretical, philosophical discussions of the nature of truth. If we do not have an idea of truth, we can hardly tell when someone tells us a lie. But almost all of us are able to tell when we are lied to unless the lie is too sophisticated to tell it is a lie initially. Consider the following for a basic idea of truth: A claim or a statement is true means things are the way they are stated to be by the claim, or the statement. For example: A claim that there is a computer on your desk is true when there actually is a computer on your desk; otherwise false. That is to say what the claim states matches reality. For example, when you tell someone that there are four tables in your room when there are actually two tables, you are not telling the truth, especially if you know that there are four tables. Lying is closely connected to truth in the sense that it is knowingly telling the opposite of what is true. Lying, at the very least, involves telling something that is untrue when you know the truth. Lying is intentional as deception is. To report something falsely, by mistake, without intentionally misrepresenting the truth is not a deception or a lie. The moral of this reflection: All of us have a basic idea of what is truth and generally we are able to distinguish intentionally made false statements or lies from true statements. We do not need to teach even young children about what truth is, though we teach them to value truth, that lying is bad, and such things. We have a cognitive capacity to recognize truth, or what is true, and to distinguish truth from falsehood that no body taught us. No need to digress for further philosophical discussion for the purpose of this piece.

Now to one of the main points of this article. In my view, in our Ethiopian culture many people do not care about truth or the value of truth for its own sake; rather, many people care about what benefit they can get if they tell the truth about many issues in life. This mindset, which is widely shared, makes it hard for people to value truth or to care about truth for its own sake or to stand for truth when standing for truth is important. To care about truth for its own sake means valuing truth and speaking the truth whether one gets something or not as a result of speaking the truth. Inquisitive minds generally are inclined and want to know the truth about anything of interest to them, for the sake of knowing, period. And such minds speak the truth, all things considered, when needed because speaking the truth is a good thing, period. But this does not mean that caring about truth for its own sake is always incompatible with caring about truth for its value in the sense of helping us get what we want. This latter is valuing truth as a means or a tool for some other end or goal. That is fine. But valuing truth only to gain something is problematic. An indifference to truth or caring little about truth creates a mindset that discourages pursuit of truth, openness to truth, a desire for intellectual integrity. In my view, lack of a desire for intellectual integrity commodifies truth and this in turn results in trivializing the value of truth. All of these things are rampant in our Ethiopian culture.

Tolerating Lies

One consequence of caring about truth or valuing truth only as a means to get something can and does lead to easy lying. Lying becomes easier when a person cares about truth only for what one can gain if that person tells the truth or not. Note that in most cases people lie to gain something. With the exception of pathological or habitual liars who find lying so easy that lying becomes their second nature, generally, people lie when they want to get something that they would not get if they tell the truth. When a culture like ours does not oppose lying, which is rampant in our society, it is not hard to see the larger consequence for such a shared culture. Anyone who knows our culture and interpersonal communications knows how often people who lie about this or that can get away with the lie without being challenged. The extent of tolerance for lies in our culture extends, for example, to even Christians who believe that lying is a “sin” but who often refuse to challenge lying in their community. I mention Christians as an example to show how much pervasive lying is in the Ethiopian community. Christians and other religious people who believe lying is sin should be at the forefront in challenging people who lie to them, but that rarely happens to be the case. Lying need not be seen as a “sin” in order to show that it is bad. Whether lying is “sin” or not, it is bad, all things considered. At any rate, tolerance to lies has a negative consequence which is bad for a society.

Suspicion, Lack of Trust, and Secrecy

When people realize that lying is widely tolerated, if and when they lie they also tend to believe that others are lying to them even if that is not the case. That means, people who lie become suspicious of others often thinking that the other person is also lying to them. This gives rise to an attitude that encourages treating others with suspicion. Suspicion of others and what people hear could be a lie rather than the truth about this or that also gives rise to a culture of secrecy. Besides suspicion, secrecy is one of those widely shared cultural traits among Ethiopians. Note that there are good reasons at times to value secrecy or withholding some information from others in a country where telling the truth can cost lives. I am making this point for the following reason: The kind of government we have, now and in the past, especially the previous regime before this, forced us to, rightly, believe that the government can do harm if it finds out information about people the government targets for political reasons. Having said this, I am not suggesting that the widespread culture of suspicion and secrecy is only due to the government’s treatment of the citizens. The government’s treatment of citizens is an exception when it comes to an explanation for why secrecy and suspicion are widespread in our culture. I argued above, in general, it is an attitude to the value of truth that leads to a culture in which lying becomes easy and tolerated, and that gives rise to suspicion of others, especially what they say which encourages secrecy.

Truth and Character

Let us briefly consider a connection between how we value truth can affect our character. It is not controversial to suggest that a person who does not care much about truth would not care much about personal integrity. Personal integrity and honesty are among virtues anyone desires to cultivate. By “virtues” I mean good character traits. Obviously, people who demonstrate personal integrity and honesty are admirable and rightly admired. But in a culture that significantly encourages dishonesty and lies, honest people who aspire to be persons of integrity are considered threats to those who do not want to lose what they could get by choosing to lie and deceive others. To value truth for its own sake, whether one gains something or not for telling the truth, is a good reason for a person to choose to be truthful. Truthfulness is a virtue by itself and also a truthful person can be faithful, dependable, or reliable. Even those who choose to lie and engage in deception would not, in their right mind, believe that liars and deceptive and dishonest people are dependable or reliable as people. So far, we have seen a sketch of reasoning that shows that one’s relation to truth can and does have implications for one’s character. Lying and deception are character flaws, but these character flaws have roots, among others, in one’s treatment of truth and how much one cares about the value of truth—very little. Those who care about truth demonstrate character traits such as truthfulness, honesty, and personal integrity. This reasoning shows that our cognitive life is deeply connected to our moral life and our character.

Application

Let us briefly illustrate the above discussion by taking concrete examples. Let us take the Ethiopian government first. Lying in countless ways is the modus operandi for the Ethiopian government. Why is that the case? As anyone familiar with the Ethiopian government knows it is practically impossible for the government to remain in power without the power of the gun if the regime tells the truth about so many crimes it commits against the citizens. Note that I argued above that a lie is intentional and people generally lie to get something they would not get if they told the truth. If the regime tells the truth, for example, about the human rights it violates, the actual number of people killed by the regime, and the actual reasons why it jails those who are critical of the regime, including journalists and opposition party members, etc., there is no way for such a government to stay in power without resorting to violence. Hence, lying in order to deceive and to cover up what is real, is its modus operandi, or its mode of operation or its default position. The regime would tell the truth when it is convenient and when it would not lose much by telling the truth. Or, the regime would tell the truth sometimes when it is useful for the government to tell the truth not because those in government care about truth and value truth for its own sake. Now, we need to ask why this is the case. One plausible answer emerges from what I argued above. That is the government is largely a reflection of the culture of the society it comes from. Or, in other words, the Ethiopian government is a mirror image of how the Ethiopian people tolerate lies, or how little truth and truthfulness are valued in the culture. I claimed that there is a widespread mindset of tolerance to lying in our culture. It is only beneficial for those in power to make use of what is widely tolerated in their own society—a disposition to lie about small and big things mostly without being challenged.

With so much lying by the Ethiopian government it is nearly impossible, for example, for opposition party leaders to trust the government in order to come to the table to discuss political options for the future of the country. Some opposition party leaders would join the government [as it is happening these days] for discussion not because they believe that the regime is truthful. They can do so for their own reasons, which would lead to doing nothing significant for the future of the country because such political leaders are playing by the rule the regime has set for them—which has no genuine room for any genuine reform of the deeply corrupt government. At the end of the day, how can anyone trust a government that has practically eliminated a genuine political space for opposition parties either by jailing their leaders or when many have left the country for life in exile?

Unfortunately, there is a much similar explanation as to why it is hard for opposition party leaders to come to a table to work together for a common goal. As I remarked in my recent talk at the Washington DC conference of the Diaspora based Ethiopian opposition parties, it is hard for opposition parties to come together for a common purpose when there is a trust deficit or when there is not enough trust. When members and leaders of opposition parties are suspicious of one another and engage in secrecy and lack transparency, it is hard to come together for a common purpose. I am not suggesting that the points I raised in this article totally, or exhaustively explain the reason why it has become very hard for opposition parties to come together to work for a common good, but the issues I raised play a key role, in my view, in explaining failures among the opposition parties to come together to work together. At the very least, trust is essential for people to come together to work for a common good.

A related explanation for continued failures of the opposition parties to work together can be due to misplaced priorities. If and when the interest of the people of Ethiopia, not the interest of the personalities behind various opposition parties, is the main and non-negotiable priority for opposition parties, the rest is for them to work on a strategy how to get to a mutually held goal and compromise on the strategy going forward. So long as party priorities are not aligned around a non-negotiable common purpose, it would be hard for opposition parties to come together. Oftentimes, opposition parties fail when their leaders fail mostly on character flaws or when the leaders end up pursuing their own selfish interests. This takes us back to issues about lack of personal integrity and honesty and lack of transparency. These flaws can partly be traced back to people’s relation to truth or how they value of truth and how this can lead to lying or tolerating lies and being dishonest and deceptive.

Conclusion

One can give a lot more examples to show how a widely shared culture of trivializing truth or a widely shared mindset that does not value truth and truthfulness for its own sake can easily lead to lying and to tolerance to lying. Tolerance to lying gives rise to a culture of suspicion and secrecy which eventually leads to lack of trust among people. I used as an illustration what happens in our politics to make points about the value of truth and the problem of valuing truth only for what truth telling can do for us. Or, I argued that attaching the value of truth to benefits people can get if they spoke truth can lead to problems that eventually manifest in character flaws and these in turn deeply damage a political space which is an arena of moral agency. As moral agents, humans cannot escape being judged by their character and all those who seek leadership positions, including those who are in leadership positions like the Ethiopian government, can only succeed in their leadership to the extent that they succeed as responsible moral agents. It is nearly impossible to expect any meaningful change from the Ethiopian government when it comes to holding a meaningful dialogue with opposition parties. However, it is also an imperative for the opposition political parties to play a role of responsible moral agency going forward. Responsible moral agency is not an abstract talk; rather, it is something that can be demonstrated in real life when those who seek leadership positions first demonstrate that they care about truth, that they will not tolerate lying in their own lives and in others, and when they lead others with a life of personal integrity and transparency.

In the final analysis, the cost of trivializing truth and tolerating lies is monumental, both on a personal and on a national level. I leave my readers, especially those who aspire to hold leadership positions to bring about a much needed change in Ethiopian politics to ask themselves the following questions and to answer them honestly and to the best of their ability: Do I really care about truth? Do I really care about being a truthful person? Do I really care about personal integrity and transparency? Do I lie for small or big things to gain something in return? Do I challenge people who lie to me when I know someone is lying to me? Am afraid of challenging a lie when I know it is a lie? Why am I afraid to challenge a lie if I am afraid to do so? Do I put the interest of the Ethiopian people above my own interest and the interest of a party I am a leader? Do I challenge selfish party members and leaders who pursue their own interests at the expense of the interest of the Ethiopian people? Is a party I am a part better than the ruling party in terms of standing for moral character of its members and leaders? How can I and my colleagues prove to the Ethiopian people that we are better leaders who can lead fellow Ethiopians than the ruling party? Can I and my colleagues say “no” to the temptation of seeking power for the sake of being in power and instead show our people that having political power is all about serving fellow citizens? Do I really believe that power is not the goal of my political aspiration but an instrument to serve others? If Ethiopians are looking for a role model in Ethiopian politics, who do you think is such a role model or such role models? Can you be such a role model, if not now, but in the long run? I hope that these questions, among others, can help for personal reflections for those who are seeking leadership positions in politics. Also, those of us who are not seeking positions of leadership in politics can make our considered judgment as to who is truly in a proper political leadership position in Ethiopia for the right reasons and who is in such leadership positions for the wrong reasons.

Tedla Woldeyohannes has most recently taught philosophy at St. Louis University and Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville, Illinois and can reached at twoldeyo@slu.edu

Outrage against the selection of Dr. Tedros Adhanom as a finalist for the post of WHO director general

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By ESAT

The selection of Dr. Tedros Adhanom as one of the three finalists for the post of WHO director general drew outrage among Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia, who held Adhanom, one of a leading members of TPLF, accountable to human rights abuses and corruption ravaging the east African country.

The executive board of the World Health Organization on Wednesday selected Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Dr. David Nabarro of the UK and Sania Nishtar of Pakistan as the three finalists vying for the post of director general.

Dr. Karl Eldar Evang, grandson of Dr. Karl Evang, who co-founded the WHO wrote on Wednesday that “Dr. Tedros has responsibility over many years for severe human Rights violations in Ethiopia. It would ruin the legitimacy of WHO, to get him as a leader of the organization. The health of the World need a leader who is trustworthy. This is not that person.”

“Killer, killer,” reads another post from Gessesse Gizaw, with a montage picture of Dr. Tedros and gruesome photos of those killed by security forces of the TPLF regime, to which the WHO hopeful was an executive member.

Last year twenty Ethiopian civic and political organizations in a letter to the Chairman of the Executive Board of the World Health Organization (WHO) called for the rejection of Dr. Tedros Adhanom’s candidacy for the position of the Director General.

“Dr. Adhanom is a member of the inner circle of a ruling party whose leadership style is antithetical to democracy and respect for the rule of law. Lack of free elections in more than two decades, a fact that has been documented by numerous organizations and governments, serves as prima facie evidence of a repressive regime,” a statement from the group reads.

He is also accused of misappropriating funds meant for AIDS, TB and malaria research in Ethiopia.

The Office of Inspector General (OIG), a body commissioned to audit and investigate Countries receiving Funds from the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria (GFATM), conducted an audit of Ethiopia and found “misappropriation of funds and use of donor funds for unsound and politically motivated programs.”

“Dr. Adhanom’s record as a member of the ruling party in Ethiopia and specifically his record as Minister of Health does not meet the exceedingly high standards required for a Director General of the WHO,” noted the letter by the twenty Ethiopian civic and political organizations.

“It is inconceivable that failure at improving the health outcomes of one country and mismanagement of funds obtained from an organization such as the GFATM should result in one’s candidature for the leading health organization of the world,” the letter said.

The decision by the executive board of the WHO to select Dr. Tedros as a finalist in the face documented records of human rights abuses by a regime to which Dr.Tedros is a part as well as campaigns by Ethiopians against the candidate, has put the credibility of the Organization into question, according to close observers of the development.

Member countries will pick the next boss of the global health institution in May.

Never Again? Inside Ethiopia's 'retraining' programme for thousands of detained protesters

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Detainees rounded up in the state of emergency were treated to a six-part course that included units in "Constitutional Democracy", "Colour Revolutions" and "Ethiopian Renaissance"



By Kalkidan Yibeltal

Looking drained last month, thousands of Ethiopian detainees swore on their release from prison to “Never Again” protest against the government. Or at least that’s what was written on their t-shirts in the well-choreographed scenes shown by the state broadcaster.

On 21 December, this group of mostly young men was departing Tolay, a military camp turned detention centre in south-western Ethiopia. They had been incarcerated for over a month undergoing what the government refers to as a rehabilitation programme.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn attended the ceremony that marked their release. In his speech, he reminded the former detainees that they have a “constitutionally enshrined right” to express dissent, but warned that if they resort to violence, they will “pay a price”. For many observers, there was a cruel irony to seeing a government educating people about their right to protest having imprisoned thousands over the past few months for exercising it.

Until a year or so ago, Ethiopia had been enjoying strong economic growth and relative stability in a shaky region for a decade. But in November 2015, anti-government protests began to pose a threat to the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, which has been in power since 1991.

Initially triggered by opposition to a plan to expand Addis Ababa into their lands, members of the Oromo, the largest ethnic group in the country, organised widespread protests to demand economic and political equality. They were later joined by Ethiopia’s second largest sub-nation, the Amhara, who also feel disenfranchised. Together, these two groups make up more than two thirds of the country’s population.

Protests and the state’s response to them escalated, and by September 2016, human rights groups were estimating that over 600 people had been killed by security forces. In October, the government declared a state of emergency that allowed authorities to hold suspects without due process. About 24,000 people were detained, often without charge, and sent to camps for “training”.

Rehabilitation

One of those rounded up was university lecturer and blogger Seyoum Teshome. A week before the state of emergency was imposed, Seyoum had spoken critically about the government to the German public broadcaster Deutche Welle. “Exactly 12 hours after that interview, security forces knocked on my door,” he says.

Seyoum claims that he was accused of possessing illegal pamphlets, but that the police found nothing. Nevertheless, he was sent to Tolay where he spent the next 56 days for allegedly breaching the state of emergency, even though he says he was already detained at the time.

Seyoum says that the conditions in the camp were poor and the treatment harsh. He alleges that he endured physical abuse and that he saw many other internees being harmed. “Fear was supreme,” says the lecturer, but “fused with hope”.

These sentiments are echoed by Befeqadu Hailu, a writer and blogger with the Zone9 collective, who spent over a month in another camp in the Oromiya region. According to him, the cells were packed to several times their capacity. He says that detainees had to dig holes in the field for toilets and that they had to endure conditions of extreme heat, lack of drinking water and limited exercise. “It was ugly,” he says, but says the most difficult aspect was “the uncertainty about what would happen to us”.

According to Seyoum, security forces spent the first few weeks trying to identify the prime troublemakers so they could face the courts. The government has said that 2,500 people detained in the state of emergency nationwide are to face trial, while 10,000 were marked for training and have since been released.

Seyoum says that those detainees were treated to a six-part course run by military and police officials. This involved being instructed in topics such as “Ethiopian History”, “Constitutional Democracy”, and “Colour Revolutions”. On this latter subject, the trainers tried to discredit the series of non-violent uprisings in former Soviet nations and the Balkans in the early-2000s, claiming they were engineered by Western interests.

Other units were named “Ethiopian Renaissance” and “Ethiopian Youth”, while one was simply titled “Never Again”. In these, Seyoum says that, amongst other things, international broadcasters such as the BBC and Voice of America were accused of promoting “an agenda contrary to Ethiopia’s developmental state model”.

According to Befeqadu, the programme wrongly assumed that the protesters were misled into demonstrating and ignorant of the subject matter. But government spokesperson Mohammed Seid insists their education was crucial.

He concedes that legitimate questions were raised during the protests, but claims that many “didn’t recognise there were differences between expressing dissent in a constitutional manner and violence”. “There were illegal demonstrations; there was hate speech,” he adds.

Uncertain future

Ethiopia’s ruling party has promised “deep reform” to address the widespread discontent in the country. But while it points to a cabinet reshuffle to show its sincerity, many complain that it is yet to address any of the underlying issues. The government continues to blame protests on external actors such as diaspora activists and neighbouring Eritrea. Meanwhile, the rationale behind the prisoner education programme further suggests an unwillingness to recognise the real concerns driving the demonstrations.

The EPRDF, which was founded by a former rebel group that came into power after overthrowing a military regime in 1991, has never fully abandoned its Marxist-Leninist roots. It often attributes opposition to a lack of awareness and sees education rather than dialogue and compromise as the solution.

The shortcomings of this approach are readily apparent by speaking to those who have come through the re-training. “Here is the thing though: I don’t feel any regret at all, because I haven’t done anything illegal or wrong,” says Seyoum. And, he adds, the political and economic questions raised by protesters are still yet to be addressed.

After the state of emergency was declared in October 2016, a sense of order appears to have returned to Ethiopia. The declaration is scheduled to be lifted in May, but the government hasn’t ruled out extending it. And it is probably only then that it will be clear whether the EPRDF’s mixture of indoctrination and intimidation has had the desired effect – and whether the “rehabilitated” protesters will heed the promises on their pre-printed t-shirts.

Kalkidan Yibeltal is an Ethiopian writer and journalist based in Addis Ababa.

(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Jan. 31)

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Latest News in Ethiopia (Jan. 31)

Ethiopia: A Gathering Political Storm

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Beneath the surface, away from the “economic boom,” “peace” and “stability,” there is serious trouble brewing in Ethiopia. The ever-increasing state institutional violence against citizens is bringing people together to challenge the authority and legitimacy of a rejected regime. The 25-year old political system that is rooted in sowing hatred and suspicion between communities is no longer a ‘working’ formula for the regime. From north to south, east to west people are joining hands to end quarter century old authoritarian rule. The ethnic barriers and suspicion that were intentionally planted in the society by the regime are having the reverse effect by uniting citizens across four corners of the country.

This unity and joining of forces is rapidly changing in form and structure becoming a powerful and dynamic force capable of bringing about long awaited political change. The ongoing popular discontent against the repressive regime is gaining momentum and maturing in consciousness, form, tactics and strategies. Shaken by these prevailing realities as a threat to its grip on power, the regime has introduced two self-preserving measures over the last few months. The first one is the declaration of the “state of emergency” intended to pacify the popular uprising and secondly call for “negotation” with opposition parties. Both these measures, however, are having the reverse impact. The declared “state of emergency” is transforming the non-violent rebellion into a clandestine armed resisitance while the call fror “negotiation” is having zero impact in resolving the long standing politicl crisis.

In the north of the country, there is a fast-developing dynamic that could have a significant impact over the political and security future of the country. At the same time in the west, east and southwest of the country, new and powerful forces of resistance are emerging. In response to the brutality of forces loyal to the regime, many are changing approaches and preferring more a clandestine resistance.

The regime’s strategy of “ethicizing politics in this country no longer works in favour of the regime,” said a political science educator who spoke under the condition of anonymity. Another civil servant described the political situation in Ethiopia as “an explosive situation that could sweep the country with an unpredictable outcome.”

The “constitution” as a tool to intimidate and terrorize citizens

In a democracy, the promulgation of a constitution is a function of the citizens. Simply because the people exercise sovereignty, they decide what rules and principles they want government to follow. Furthermore, a portion of any constitution in a democracy is delegated by citizens to the legislature, hence allowing it to participate in the process of amending the constitution. Under the current authoritarian regime in Ethiopia, the construction of constitution is based on the will and design of a small minority group. Thus, it is used to intimidate and terrorize citizens instead of being a living document that safeguards citizens’ rights. The regime’s usage of the “constitution” as an instrument of oppressing and brutalizing citizens devalues the very value of a constitution. The defence of a constitution that protects and safeguards citizens’ rights is the duty of the people. On the other hand, a constitution whose purpose is to serve as tool of operation will ultimately be replaced with a new constitution that is crafted with full participation of the people.

Smoke and mirrors or genuine political negotiation

There is a new propaganda and public relations buzz word in Addis Ababa these days and the word is “dialogue.” In its organic and authentic form, political dialogue is a very valuable and irreplaceable approach to establishing genuine political discourse and sustainable peace. Unfortunately, the record of the regime shows manipulation of dialogue and using it as a propaganda forum to create a smoke screen for consumption of donor nations and a gullible few. On January 16, 2017, the Head of the Office of the regime declared his government’s “readiness for dialogue and consultation with political parties.” Genuine political dialogue cannot be conducted from a hegemonic position where a group is dictating the general terms and process of the dialogue. Most importantly, any political dialogue and negotiation must first identify the political, social and economic challenges facing the country.

In the current environment, the regime’s web of political and economic corruption has reached a point where the regime doesn’t have the moral authority to govern the country let alone to sit at a table and negotiate the future direction of the country. The inherent source of the problem in Ethiopia is the regime itself and to think otherwise is a failure of imagination and deficiency of insight to observe, understand and see what is in front of us.

The regime in Addis Ababa has manipulated certain groups as political pawns to advance it is own objectives. Sadly, there are some opportunistic groups who are readily available to be used for such a gimmick. Negotiation with manufactured political pawns can only further deepen the country’s political crisis. Genuine negotiation takes place with those who have critically opposing views, not with the “Yes” men. Genuine negotiation is to discuss and explore common ground for coming to an agreement. Negotiation in its true sense voices a conciliatory tone so that a compromise may be reached and each negotiating party may obtain a certain degree of satisfaction. In true negotiation, the parties do not feel ridiculed, coerced or manipulated. They express their respective needs freely to build understanding, and they feel respected. On the other hand, to manipulate is to seek to control the other by using fear or by making them feel guilty to convince them of something and surrender their vision and integrity.

Genuine political dialogue could only take place if the regime gets out of its obsessive-compulsive power impulses, stop framing and defining other political groups and look inwards for the problems the country is facing instead of outwards. One cannot be a genuine negotiator while imposing its views. The true meaning of negotiation is to listen, validate and accept the views and positions of others even if it means surrendering the helm of power. The regime’s primary objective of negotiation is to consolidate its grip on power. Prior to starting any political dialogue or negotiation in Ethiopia, the regime must release all political prisoners, journalists, and human rights activists. Secondly, the regime must share the public media with all opposition political parties, lift the state of emergency and dissolve the so called “command post” which put the country under military rule.

As the saying goes “Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me.” The regime must stop playing tricks with manufactured political pawns and quit being an impediment to the country’s political, economic and social progress. Building a free, inclusive and democratic Ethiopia will requires not politically calculated negotiation with political pawns, but a genuine and whole hearted willingness to sit and conduct genuine transition of power with all political groups.

Ethiopian military officer in Somalia accused of selling arms, massive corruption

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By ESAT News (February 2, 2017)

An investigative report by a Somali website accused a high ranking Ethiopian officer in Somalia of arm sales to rival factions and collecting bribes from Somali politicians who want come to power.

Waagacusub media described Haile Gebre as “the most corrupt military officer” who became extremely wealthy from huge sums of money that he is getting from opportunistic Somali politicians who want to buy the sympathy of Addis Ababa.

Waagacusub media quote one of officer Gabre’s juniors, who remained anonymous for fear of reprisal as saying that “Gebre was corrupted by Somali politicians and he in turn corrupted Ethiopian senior officials so they would condone his wrongdoing.”

“There was several vehicles that were taken from Somali individuals by intimidation or corruption which were later donated by Gebre to most senior military officials and their family members,” the report alleges.

The report further said Gebre had a business interest in the United Arab Emirates in which he is represented by one of his cousins. It said Gebre’s business would give a better exchange rate of foreign currency to Ethiopians who want to import goods to landlocked Ethiopia.

“Recently large construction equipment owned by Gabre were sent to Ethiopia on duty free from Dubai through port of Djibouti,” the report quoted an Ethiopian businessman based in Djibouti as saying.

“All the materials belonged to Gebre but his name can’t be seen on the manifest,” the source told Waagacusub.

The report further alleges Gebre, also called General Gebre by the Somalis, gets most of the corruption money from Somali politicians who want to use his country’s support in order to come to power. He also gets money from the funds donated by the West to the regional East African body known as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD.

The investigative report quoted a famous Mogadishu saying “if you want the power in Somalia first corrupt Gebre and enjoy military and political backing of Ethiopia.”

Ethiopian regime troops in Somalia and their commanders have been accused of corruption and loss of civilian lives since they set their boots on Somali soil in 2006.

The Ethiopian government announced the withdrawal of its troops from several key posts in Somalia due to what it said was lack of financial support from the West, but a considerable number troops are still present operating within and outside the African Union Mission in Somalia, AMISOM.

(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Feb. 2)

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Latest News in Ethiopia (Feb. 2)


Ethiopia: One Nation of Sisters and Brothers

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By Desta Heliso

Over the last few weeks, I have been following a debate relating to ethnicity, shared national identity and particularly certain people groups in Ethiopia having a common origin. The debate, based on literature produced in different forms, seems to be very heated and emotionally charged. In this brief article, I would like to share my thoughts, for what they are worth, in relation to shared national identity and contribute to the debate. My thesis is very simple: Ethiopia is one and all Ethiopians are sisters and brothers. But to arrive at this deceptively simple proposition, one should accept that Ethiopia as a nation is a political construct and being Ethiopian is a state of mind. Ethiopia, as a nation, was created from different people groups through promotion of ideals that unite these groups and help transcend differences without necessarily dissolving distinct identities and their expressions. This resulted in what we now refer to as shared national identity under a nation-state called Ethiopia. This important construction was achieved over many generations and reinforced by the overarching narrative of Ethiopianness.

Very often, this narrative goes back to references to Aithiopis in Homeric poetic legends and Herodotus’ writings. References are also made to the Bible where Ethiopia represents the end of the earth in the extreme south. The Hebrew Bible uses Cush and the Greek Aithiopis. But nominal expressions of Cush or Aithiopis do not represent the status of Ethiopia as we know it today. What the Old Testament refers to as Cushcould include Nubia and the Arabian peninsula. The classical writers’ use of Aithiopis, instead of Cush, may not necessarily negate this. For the Greeks, Aithiopis is ‘a far-off country of a black race who lived by the fountains of the sun’ and Ethiopians were most un-Greek in appearance because they were ‘black and smitten by the sun’. We cannot be absolutely certain as to how the Greeks came up with this name and these expressions. But we know that names are coined to a group of people on the basis of their geographical location, their religious persuasion, their social roots or even their skin colour. It is possible that the ancient Greeks came up with the name Aithiopis because of the skin colour of the ancient Ethiopians. Whatever the case, how many of the people groups in today’s Ethiopia this name represented from the time of Homer to the Roman period, we simply don’t know.

As the Greeks portrayed, ancient Ethiopia may well have been a respectable state with well-organised and courageous army. And ancient Ethiopians may well have been freedom- and justice-loving people. The portrayal of Ethiopians by the Jewish historian Josephus, in his Jewish Antiquities, is even more intriguing. He talks about Ethiopia’s prominence as an independent state of considerable military power, the marriage of a beautiful princess of Ethiopia called Tharbis to Moses, and the admirable and wise Queen of Sheba becoming Queen of Egypt and Ethiopia. Josephus’ story of the Queen of Sheba in particular has undergone extensive Arabian and other elaborations. It was further elaborated in a unique manner in the 14th century Ethiopia in a document called Kebra Nagast. According to these elaborations, Yemenis, Egyptians, Ethiopians etc could claim that the Queen of Sheba was their Queen. Then, which territories did Sheba represent? I don’t think we can say that it represented only the present political and geographical Ethiopia. I met a Kenyan who argued that ancient Ethiopia included some parts of Kenya. He may or may not be right. All this leads one to conclude that we cannot know with any degree of certainty as to how much of the land and which groups of people of the present Ethiopia were part of that ancient Cush, Sheba or Aithiopis.

What we can safely claim, however, is that a nation-state called Ethiopia was created and recreated, defined and redefined. From the history of Ethiopia, we know that the goal of creating and recreating, defining and redefining Ethiopia – as we know her today – was politically and economically motivated. It was achieved predominantly through bloody battles, political manipulations and imposition of certain ideals. We have moved from disparate kingdoms – whose vassals were loosely connected to the Suzerain – to T’eqlay Gizats under Emperor, then to Kifle Hegers under President, and now to Kilels under Prime Minister. Goodness knows what kind of administrative arrangements the next generation will come up with. All this shows that the concept of ‘nation’ is not a fixed one.

Prof Kwame Anthony Appiah in his BBC 4 Reith Lectures 2016 – titled Mistaken Identities(with special reference to Creed, Country, Colour and Culture) – argued that the idea of national sovereignty has ‘an incoherence at heart’ and that a nation is defined and redefined and political unity is never underwritten by some ‘pre-existing national commonality’. I agree with Appiah. Ethiopia’s singular nationhood is dependent not on pre-existing national commonality but on previously disparate people groups with their own autonomous or semi-autonomous territories accepting ideals believed to transcend differences without dissolving certain particularities; associating themselves with shared historical and cultural values and aspirations; developing national consciousness; and committing themselves to a shared national identity under a shared narrative of Ethiopianness.

Ethiopianness is a unifying state of mind developed by people of different ethnic groups, cultural backgrounds and religious persuasions. It is a mental disposition shaped by ‘history’ and ‘traditions’ of Ethiopia. It is something that is so deeply embedded in the societal psyche that it is almost unconscious. It is an inner passion for and emotional bond with the country, which can be described as love for Ethiopia. Through music, arts, sport and national anthem, this passion is rekindled and commitment to the uniting symbols is renewed. The whole thing can at times border on the irrational and can even be dangerous if it is not kept in check through rational reasoning. One cannot explain it comprehensively but it is a reality.

In Britain, a concert called BBC Proms is organised every year. It takes place in the Royal Albert Hall. In the final night of the Proms, one of the final songs refers to Britain or England as the Land of Hope and Glory. Another one is the well-known Rule Britannia. Many young people would wrap themselves with the British flag and sing these songs with incredible enthusiasm and tears in their eyes. The reference in the songs is to the colonial Britain, about which they are often embarrassed, and is of no relevance to the Britain they know and live in today, but it still seems to emotionally charge and strengthen their sense of Britishness and their love for Britain. This feeling is not always explicable but it is there for good or ill.

Similarly, Ethiopianness is something abstract, mentally constructed and emotionally strengthened. It is a unifying narrative that is shared by more than eighty people groups who have happened or chosen to live on a piece of land and share God-given resources together. These groups also voluntarily share common values, common cultural heritage and expressions, and uniting symbols. Through this, the vast majority of them have come to recognise and love this country called Ethiopia. Shared narrative has resulted in shared identity, so they have become – to use a metaphor – children of the same parent. That is, they have become sisters and brothers. Like all sisters and brothers, of course, they engage in sibling rivalry (sometimes in a rather unhealthy and deadly manner). But they could still love that Ethiopia with her symbolic motherhood. What they actually love is not that geographically determined land of beauty and serenity or that incorporeal political construct. What they actually love are those women and men whose lives and historical destinies are tied up with that of a country called Ethiopia. It is, therefore, unhelpful or even futile to attempt to prove that certain people groups in Ethiopia (to the exclusion of others) have a shared origin and identity. We should all declare in unison that Ethiopia is one and all Ethiopians are sisters and brothers!

Four regime soldiers killed in western Ethiopia

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Four regime soldiers killed in western Ethiopia

By ESAT News (February 3, 2016)

Four regime soldiers have reportedly been killed while several other injured in Benishangul Gumuz region, western Ethiopia. A source who spoke to ESAT say the soldiers were ambushed in Sherkole, a gold mining area, by armed groups who call themselves freedom fighters.

The source said two of the soldiers were identified as Lieutenant Werawi Abreha and a soldier who goes by his first name Halefom.

There have been reports of attacks and counterattacks between regime soldiers and armed groups in the gold mining region of Benishangul Gumuz where Tigrayan army officers had uprooted traditional gold miners and took over the lucrative business. According to the sources there were several deadly clashes between the locals and the army officers in the process of the takeover of the gold mines.

The source also said the army officers operate under the banner of MIDROC, a company owned by an Ethiopian born Saudi tycoon with close ties to the regime.

(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Feb. 3)

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Latest News in Ethiopia (Feb. 3)


TPLF’s Land Claim Follows Trails of Tigrean Temporary Farm Workers and Settlers.

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TPLF’s Land Claim Follows Trails of Tigrean Temporary Farm Workers and Settlers.



By now every Ethiopian and Eritrean citizen knows that the final goal of the Tigrai peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) is to secede from Ethiopia as an independent "Republic of Greater Tigrai". The implementation of the 1976 TPLF manifesto that advocates for Tigrai Republic had two important stages: First annexing land from regions in Ethiopia and a second acquiring land and sea outlet from Eritrea. In fact, the 1976 TPLF Manifesto clearly indicates the areas that need to be incorporated to Tigrai so that it becomes a viable republic. What is surprising is that all the areas that were mentioned in the Manifesto are the areas that currently have become the sources of conflict with regions inside Ethiopia and neighboring Eritrea. What is also true that, when investigated thoroughly, it is not difficult to see that those TPLF land claims follow Trail of Tigrean Temporary Farm Workers and settlers. Such truth can easily be found in TPLF’s land claim against Eritrea and Ethiopia’s Amhara administrative region that includes formerly known Begemider. Other TPLF Land claims against Wollo also exhibit such trends. Let’s see each TPLF land claim and examine its inherent characteristics.

Wolkaite Tsegede.

Before 1991, Wolkaite Tsegede was known as part of the Begemider administrative region bordering Tigrai. All evidence, including those came from previous Tigrai region administrators, indicate that Wolkaite Tsegede had never been under the administrative region of Tigrai. The fact that the land was vast farm area, commercial farmers from Begemider and neighboring Eritrea use to own large farms that often required additional labor. Again Tigreans use to cross to Wolkaite Tsegede and work in those large farms.

Historical records also indicate that through time some of the temporary Tigrean farm workers have settled in the area. Moreover, after TPLF started the struggle for the liberation of Tigrai it continued to pacify the area from rich Amhara farmers and increased the number of Tigrean settlers. When TPLF came to power in 1991, in the pretext of the realty that was established by Temporary Tigrean farm workers and settlers, it used the language card to snatch the Wolkaite Tsegede area from Begemeder and merge it with Tigray. Since language often crosses administrative boundaries, the claim that boundaries should be demarcated based on language is nothing but a weak argument to achieve previously set hidden agenda to give Tigray vast farm land and land access route to Sudan.

Raya including Ashengie Alamata and Kobo.

Following the logic discussed above, TPLF annexed Wollo’s Raya including Ashengie Alamata and Kobo. Raya Azebo was known to be the bread basket of the Wollo administrative region. Although it is prone to seasonal draught, during some good rainy season, farmers in the area can produce a significant volume of crop that could supply the regional markets for more than a year or even more. Moreover, the area is known to be a drought season grazing area for cattle coming from southern Tigrai as far as Mekelle. Hence it is clear that due to over used land in the Tigrai region, Tigrean farmers and seasonal workers often migrate to areas in neighboring regions that exhibit better farm productivity and grazing land. On that account, TPLF claim to incorporate these areas in to the Tigrai region is as a result of such historical seasonal migration of Tigrai farmers and Temporary farm workers.

Badme.

As confirmed by the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EBBC) the Eritrean colonial maps that were drawn based on the agreement between Italy and former Ethiopians rulers show that Badme is well inside Eritrea. Moreover, historical records, that were obtained from the Badme village administration, indicate that before the 1998-2000 war more that 90% of the Badme area residents were Eritreans. The few Tigreans who established residence in Badme came to the area as Temporary farm workers. It is also true that currently TPLF is trying to establish a new realty in the area, mainly by bringing new settlers from other parts of Tigrai. However, such action does not change the fact that Tigrean residents in Badme are either Temporary farm workers or settlers who were brought after the 1998-2000 border war. Hence it is plausible to conclude that TPLF’s Claim against Eritrea followed Trail of Tigrean Temporary Farm Works and settlers.

Conclusion.

It is true that TPLF has given up some land in the Afar region. However, the reason for that temporary sacrifice of land is because it was considered as part of the second plan. After TPLF finishes annexing land from other Ethiopian administrative regions, the next stage was to give Tigrai access to the sea through the Afar region. That means to get access to the sea, TPLF will need to annex land from the afar region. Hence TPLF’s argument that it gave land to the afar region to implement the language based demarcation is a simple ploy to implement the first stage of the 1976 Manifesto. Had the TPLF 1998-2000 war to annex Assab succeeded, the second stage, that advocates for the Tigray republic with its gates to Sudan and the Red Sea could have been a realty. Fortunately, due to the strong resistance of the Ethiopian and Eritrean people now such TPLF ploy seems to be a reason for its downfall.

The current Crisis in Ethiopia is rooted on TPLF agenda to annex land from administrative regions in Ethiopia and neighboring Eritrea using the pretext that follows the Trail of Tigrean Temporary farm workers and settlers so that economically viable Tigrai republic could be established under article 39 of the Woyene drafted Ethiopian constitution. Hence it is important that TPLF future activities be viewed under such context and the Ethiopian and Eritrean people align their struggle against the TPLF hidden agenda accordingly.

Ethiopia: Peaceful Protest to Armed Uprising

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Ethiopia: Peaceful Protest to Armed Uprising

By Graham Peebles

What began as a regional protest movement in November 2015, is in danger of becoming a fully-fledged armed uprising in Ethiopia.

Angered and exasperated by the government’s intransigence and duplicity, small guerrilla groups made up of local armed people have formed in Amhara and elsewhere, and are conducting hit and run attacks on security forces. Fighting at the beginning of January in the North West region of Benishangul Gumuz saw 51 regime soldiers killed, ESAT News reported, and in the Amhara region a spate of incidents has occurred, notably a grenade attack on a hotel in Gondar and an explosion in Bahir-Dah.

In what appears to be an escalation in violence, in Belesa, an area north of Gondar, a firefight between ‘freedom fighters’, as they are calling themselves, and the military resulted in deaths on both sides. There have also been incidents in Afar, where people are suffering the effects of drought; two people were recently killed by security personnel, others arrested. The Afar Human Rights Organization told ESAT that the government has stationed up to 6000 troops in the region, which has heightened tensions and fuelled resentment.

Given the government’s obduracy, the troubling turn of events was perhaps to be expected. However, such developments do not bode well for stability in the country or the wider region, and enable the ruling regime to slander opposition groups as ‘terrorists’, and implement more extreme measures to clamp down on public assembly in the name of ‘national security’.

Until recently those calling for change had done so in a peaceful manner; security in the country – the security of the people – is threatened not by opposition groups demanding human rights be observed and the constitution be upheld, but by acts of State Terrorism, the real and pervasive menace in Ethiopia.

Oppressive State of Emergency

Oromia and Amhara are homelands to the country’s two biggest ethnic groups, together comprising around 65% of the population. Demonstrations began in Oromia: thousands took to the streets over a government scheme to expand Addis Ababa onto Oromo farmland (plans later dropped), and complaints that the Oromo people had been politically marginalised. Protests expanded into the Amhara region in July 2016, concerning the appropriation of fertile land in the region by the authorities in Tigray – a largely arid area.

The regime’s response has been consistently violent and has fuelled more protests, motivated more people to take part, and brought supressed anger towards the ruling EPRDF to the surface. Regional, issue-based actions, quickly turned into a nationwide protest movement calling for the ruling party, which many view as a dictatorship, to step down, and for democratic elections to be held.

Unwilling to enter into dialogue with opposition groups, and unable to contain the movement that swept through the country, in October 2016 the government imposed a six-month ‘State of Emergency’. This was necessary, the Prime Minister claimed, because, “we want to put an end to the damage that is being carried out against infrastructure projects, education institutions, health centers, administration and justice buildings,” and claimed, that “we put our citizens’ safety first”.

The extraordinary directive, which has dramatically increased tensions in the country, allows for even tighter restrictions to be applied – post an update on Facebook about the unrest and face five years imprisonment – and is further evidence of both the government’s resistance to reform and its disregard for the views of large sections of the population.

The directive places stifling restrictions of basic human rights, and as Human Rights Watch (HRW) states, goes “far beyond what is permissible under international law and signals an increased militarized response to the situation.”

Among the 31 Articles in the directive, ‘Communication instigating Protest and Unrest’ is banned, which includes using social media to organize public gatherings; so too is ‘Communication with Terrorist Groups’, this doesn’t mean the likes of ISIS, which would be reasonable, but relates to any individual or group who the regime themselves define as ‘terrorists’, i.e. anyone who publicly disagrees with them.

The independent radio/TV channel, ESAT (based in Europe and America) as well as Oromia Media meet the terrorist criteria and are high up the excluded list. Public assembly without authorization from the ‘Command Post’ is not allowed; there is even a ban on making certain gestures, “without permission”. Specifically crossing arms above the head to form an ‘X’, which has become a sign of national unity against the regime, and was bravely displayed by Ethiopian marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa, at the Rio Olympics (where he won a silver medal).

If anyone is found to have violated any of the draconian articles they can be arrested without charge and imprisoned without due process. The ruling regime, which repeatedly blames so called ‘outside forces’ for fueling the uprising – Eritrea and Egypt are cited – says the new laws will be used to coordinate the security forces against what it ambiguously calls “anti-peace elements”, that want to “destabilize the country”.

Shortly after the directive was passed, the government arrested “1,645 people”, the New York Times reported, of which an astonishing 1,220 “were described as ringleaders, the rest coordinators, suspects and bandits.”

All of this is taking place in what the ruling regime and their international benefactors laughably describe as a democracy. Ethiopia is not, nor has it even been a democratic country. The ruling EPRDF party, which, like the military, is dominated by men from the small Tigray region (6% of the population) in the North of the country, came to power in the traditional manner – by force; since its accession in 1992 it has stolen every ‘election’.

No party anywhere legitimately wins 100% of the parliamentary seats in an election, but the EPRDF, knowing their principle donors – the USA and UK – would sanction the result anyway, claimed to do so in 2015. The European Union, also a major benefactor, did, criticise the result; however, much to the fury of Ethiopians around the world, President Obama speaking after the whitewash, declared that the “elections put forward a democratically elected government.”

Government Reaction

Since the start of the protests the Government has responded with force. Nobody knows the exact number of people killed, hundreds certainly (HRW say around 500), thousands possibly. Tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, have been arbitrarily arrested and detained, probably tortured, definitely mistreated; family members of protestors, journalists and opposition politicians, are intimidated and routinely persecuted. And whilst 10,000 people have recently been released, local groups estimate a further 70,000 remain incarcerated and the government has initiated a new wave of arrests in which young people have been specifically targeted.

Amongst the list of violent state actions – none of which have been independently investigated – the incident at Bishoftu, which many Ethiopians describe as a massacre, stands out. On 2nd October millions of ethnic Oromos gathered to celebrate at the annual Irreecha cultural festival. There was a heavy, intimidating military presence including an army helicopter; anti-government chants broke out, people took to the stage and crossed their arms in unity. At this democratic act, security forces responded by firing live ammunition and teargas into the crowd.

The number of casualties varies depending on the source; the government would have us believe 55 people died, though local people and opposition groups claim 250 people were killed by security forces. The ruling regime makes it impossible to independently investigate such incidences or to verify those killed and injured, but HRW states that, “based on the information from witnesses and hospital staff…it is clear that the number of dead is much higher than government estimates.”

A week after the Nightmare at Bishoftu, the ruling party enforced its State of Emergency. Another ill-judged pronouncement that has entrenched divisions, strengthened resolve and plunged the country into deeper chaos. Such actions reveal a level of paranoia, and a failure to understand the impact of repressive rule. With every controlling violent action the Government takes, with every innocent person that it kills or maims, opposition spreads, resistance intensifies, resolve grows stronger.

Enough!

The Ethiopian revolt comes after over two decades of rule by the EPRDF, a party whose approach, despite its democratic persona, has been intensely autocratic. Human rights declared in the liberally worded constitution are totally ignored: dissent is not allowed nor is political debate or regional secession – a major issue for the Ogaden region, which is under military control.

There is no independent media – it is all state owned or controlled, as is access to the Internet; journalists who express any criticism of the ruling regime are routinely arrested, and the only truly autonomous media group, ESAT is now classed as a terrorist organization. Add to this list the displacement of indigenous people to make way for international industrial farms; the partisan distribution of aid, employment opportunities and higher education places; the promulgation of ethnic politics in schools, plus the soaring cost of living, and a different, less polished Ethiopian picture begins to surface of life than the one painted by the regime and donor nations – benefactors who, by their silence and duplicity are complicit in the actions of the EPRDF government.

People have had enough of such injustices. Inhibited and contained for so long, they have now found the strength to demand their rights and stand up to the bully enthroned in Addis Ababa. The hope must be that change can be brought about by peaceful means and not descend into a bloody conflict. For this to happen the government needs to adopt a more conciliatory position and listen to the people’s legitimate concerns.

This unprecedented uprising may be held at bay for a time, restrained by force and unjust legislation, but people rightly sense this is the moment for change; they will no longer cower and be silenced for too much has been sacrificed by too many.

Ethiopia: Two journalists fled persecution

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By ESAT

Two Ethiopian journalists say they have fled their country and have sought refuge in neighboring Kenya after unrelenting threats and persecution by Ethiopian regime security.

Publisher and managing editor of “Yegna Press,” Ermias Seyoum and its editor-in-chief, Mesfin Zeleke told ESAT on the phone that they decided to leave the country after security forces threatened them with imprisonment if they did not leave the country.

Ermias said security forces had stopped the printing of their newspaper at the press several times and he had been in and out of prison three times since he began the newspapers five years ago.

“Every time we publish stories about the anti-government protests or stories about opposition political parties or dissidents, they come to our office and threaten us not to do the same again,” Ermias said on the phone from Kenya.

“Security forces came to our office one day and took away everything saying they needed to audit us. Then they told us that we didn’t pay enough taxes and took us to court,” said Mesfin.

A leading jailer of journalists, the Ethiopian regime had a dozen journalists behind bars, while hundreds of other journalists have been forced into exile.

How should the US react to human rights abuses in Ethiopia?

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By Matt Hadro, Catholic News Agency

Washington D.C., Feb 16, 2017 / 10:44 am (CNA/EWTN News).- One member of Congress is hoping for a “serious policy review” by the Trump administration of the United States' relationship with Ethiopia, citing human rights abuses by the government there.

“To truly stop violence abroad, Ethiopia must stop violence at home,” Rep. Chris Smith, chair of the House subcommittee on Africa and global human rights, stated at a press conference outside the U.S. Capitol building on Wednesday.

“Since 2005, untold thousands of students have been jailed, have been shot during demonstrations or have simply disappeared in the last 11 years,” Smith stated Feb. 15. “Ethiopia’s next generation is being taught that the rights that democracy normally bestows on a country’s citizens don’t apply in their country.”

Smith and Rep. Mike Coffman (R-Colo.) introduced a House resolution (H. Res. 128) Wednesday “highlighting the crisis in Ethiopia due to government violations of the human rights of its citizens,” Smith stated.

“With this resolution, we are showing that the United States remains committed to universal respect for human rights, and that we will not tolerate continued abuse of those human rights by Ethiopian security forces,” Coffman said.

There has been a “steady erosion” of democracy in Ethiopia since 2005, the congressmen maintained.

Government dissidents have been jailed, citizens have been tortured and killed by the government's security forces, and freedom of the press has been infringed upon. Ethnic groups have been the victims of violence perpetrated by the government.

Peaceful protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions of the country were met with hundreds of killings and tens of thousands of arrests by security forces in 2016, Human Rights Watch said in its recent report on the country. Citizens released from jail claimed they were tortured while in custody.

“Instead of addressing the numerous calls for reform in 2016, the Ethiopian government used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to suppress largely peaceful protests,” Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch, stated in the report released in January.

One protest in the Oromia region resulted in the police using tear gas, rubber bullets, and rounds fired into the air to break it up, claiming that the crowd was getting out of hand. An ensuing stampede killed 50. The Inter-religious Council of Ethiopia, on which Catholic leaders sit, called for prayer and peace amid the protests and asked government leaders to listen to the people.

The recent protests in the Amhara region of the country have showed a sense of “identity” on the part of embattled citizens, and their “need to survive,” Tewodrose Tirfe of the Amhara Association of America, a refugee who came to the U.S. in 1982, noted.

“The U.S. and the West cannot sympathize with a government that kills people,” Seenaa Jimjimo, a human rights advocate who was born and grew up in Ethiopia, insisted in her statement at Wednesday’s press conference.

Amidst protests, a state of emergency was declared by the state in October and is “being used as a method to crack down even further on basic human freedoms,” Coffman said.

Thus, the resolution is the “first step by our representatives to let the Ethiopian government know that the U.S. policy is changing, that their continued human rights violations on innocent civilians will not be tolerated,” Tirfe stated.

“We invoke the Global Magnitsky Act,” Gregory Simpkins, staff director of the House subcommittee on Africa, said on Wednesday of the law which enables sanctions against specific “entities and persons who violate the human rights of people.”

Ethiopia has acted as a key ally in fighting international terrorism, Smith noted, but if it fails to protect human rights at home then extremism could fester within its own borders.

“What Congressman Smith and I are asking is for the Congress of the United States to join together and pass this resolution condemning the Ethopian government for its human rights abuses,” Coffman stated.

“And I think it’s important for all Americans to care about human rights to encourage their member of Congress to co-sponsor this resolution so that we can pass it in the Congress.”

(Video) Mo Farah Shows Solidarity with Oromo protesters

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By CDE

Mo FarahFour-time Olympic champion Sir Mo Farah made the famous Oromo gesture in protest against the government of Ethiopia as he crossed the finishing line in the 5,000m Birmingham Indoor Grand Prix on Saturday.

The legendary British athlete who have just returned from Ethiopia to break the European record at the event (pictured), swapped his ‘Mobot’ signature celebration with a show of solidarity for the Oromo people.

In Rio Olympic, hundreds of millions of people watched Ethiopian silver medallist Marathon winner Feyisa Lilesa hold his arms over his head, wrists crossed, in support of members of his Oromo ethnic group against the Ethiopian ruling party.

The Tigre ethnics group (TPLF) of the country’s leaders have been repeatedly accused of human rights abuses and of discrimination against the Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group, comprising about 35% of the country’s 100m population.

Recently, the #Oromo community in the United Kingdom had written to the British government urging it to halt with immediate effect, its assistance to the government of Ethiopia which they accused of systematic repression that included the torture, killing and harassment of school children in #Oromia, a regional state of Ethiopia.

Since October 2016, the TPLF government declared a state of emergency, giving security forces and the army new sweeping powers.

The government blocked mobile internet, restricted social media, banned protests, closed down broadcast and print media, and imposed draconian restrictions on all political freedoms.

In its recent report analysing the effect of the emergency, Human Rights Watch described the measures as the securitisation of legitimate grievances.


(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Feb. 21)

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Latest News in Ethiopia (Feb. 21)


Sudan Court Sentences Ethiopian Protesters to Lashes, Fine

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By Radio Dabanga (Amsterdam)

Khartoum — On Saturday, a Khartoum court sentenced 65 Ethiopians to 40 lashes and a large fine for staging a demonstration.Hundreds of Ethiopian nationals living in the Sudanese capital demonstrated in front of their embassy in southern Khartoum

Hundreds of Ethiopian nationals living in the Sudanese capital demonstrated in front of their embassy in southern Khartoum on Friday in protest against the increased fees for a stay permit.

The Sudanese authorities have reportedly raised the fees for a residence permit from SDG 300 ($46) to SDG 2,000 ($308). The protesters demanded the embassy to intervene.

The embassy guards failed to disperse the protesters, which led to the intervention of the police who detained more than 500 of them.
The court of the Imtidad El Daraja El Talta district in southern Khartoum convicted 65 demonstrators to 40 lashes and a fine of SDG 5,000 ($771) or two months imprisonment.

Earlier this month, Ethiopians demonstrated as well in front of their embassy, against alleged human rights abuses against Ethiopian refugees in the country and the lack of support from the their diplomatic mission in Khartoum.

Ethiopia: Funeral of Professor Pankhurst Held at Trinity Cathedral

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By ENA

Dr Richard Pankhurst, the prominent historian and researcher on Ethiopia, was laid to rest at the Holy Trinity Cathedral in Addis Ababa on Tuesday (Feb 21).

President Mulatu Teshome and other senior government officials as well as grieving family members and relatives of the scholar were present at the funeral.

Professor Richard Pankhurst was born in Woodford, suburban town of North East London, in 1927. He was educated at Bancroft’s School, Woodford, and at the London School of Economics where he received a doctorate in economic history.

He was involved with his mother, Sylvia Pankhurst, in the campaign against the fascist occupation of Ethiopia and participated with her in demonstrations, fundraising and campaigns, and assisted her with the editing of the newspaper “New Times and Ethiopian News” for over 20 years, according to a brief biography distributed at the funeral.

Professor Richard Pankhurst taught for many years at the University College of Addis Ababa, which later became Addis Ababa University, it was indicated.

He was also the founder and the first Director of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES), and promoted the development of library, museum, and art gallery.

The scholar was awarded Haile Sellaise I Prize for Ethiopian Studies in 1973 and was among the founding group who campaigned for the return of the Aksum Obelisk which had been looted on Mussolini’s orders in 1937, the biography stated. He was appointed Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in the Diplomatic Service and Overseas section of the 2004 Queen’s Birthday Honors “for services to Ethiopian studies”

Leaving Ethiopia in 1976, he was appointed Researcher Fellow at the London School of Economics and at the School of Oriental and African studies. He later became the Librarian of the Royal Asiatic Society.

Dr Richard Pankhurst had published over 25 books and several articles and essays majority of them about Ethiopia and its history. In addition to his numerous books on Ethiopia, Pankhurst has written works (focusingon her paintings) on his mother, including Sylvia Pankhurst: Artist and Crusader and Sylvia Pankhurst: Counsel for Ethiopia

Professor Richard Pankhurst died at the age of 89 and is survived by his wife, Rita Pankhurst, a son (Alula Pankhurst), a daughter (Helen Pankhurst), and four grandchildren.

In Memory of the Founding Generation of Academic History of Ethiopia

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By Tsegaye Tegenu, PhD | February 20, 2017

The recent departure of the well-loved Ethiopian historian, Professor Richard Pankhurst provide us the opportunity to remember the efforts of professional historians who for the first time started university based history teaching and research on Ethiopia. The founders were few in number and all of them have now passed out of existence, Professor Richard Pankhurst being the last.

Upon hearing the death of Professor Taddesse Tamrat (in May 2013), Professor Donald Edward Crummey wrote a letter to Professor Bahru Zewde “There is one fewer of us now, and we were never many to start with”. On August 16, 2013, three months after he wrote the letter, Crummey passed away and the few who lived behind him soon passed away one after the other: Professor Sven Rubenson (October 2013), Professor Donald Levine (April 2015), and now Professor Richard Pankhurst (February 2017). Before that all of them were trying to overcome grief of their loved compatriots, Professor Harold Marcus (January 2003), Dr. Sergew Hable Selassie (January 2003), Dr. Zewde Gebre Sellassie (December 2008), Professor Merid Wolde Aregay (December 2008), and Professor Aleme Eshete (March 2011). Now no one left behind to tell the stories of the pioneers of academic history.

The professionalisation of history writing in Ethiopia started with the establishment of the Department of History (1962) and Institute of Ethiopian Studies (1963), at the then Haile Selassie I University (Addis Ababa University). Before that Ethiopian history was written by chroniclers, royal courts appointed officials, historians educated and drawn from monastic ranks. Even if these historians had some major characteristics of professional historiography (had already developed ideas about objectivity and truthfulness), they did not consistently reflect on their methods and theories. When writing Ethiopian history they were not at pain to attempt to scarify literary ambition, religious and political biases in favour of scientificity (for the sake of greater truthfulness and objectivity).

The methodological ground rules of professional historiography (source criticism, objectivity, archival research, the desire to consult as many primary sources and the use of auxiliary sciences) were introduced in teaching and research by Prof. Sven Rubenson, Prof. Donald Crummey, Prof. Merid Wolde Aregay, and Prof. Taddesse Tamrat, among others. These historians served as department head of history and director of IES at different points in time. They introduced their university based training to establish training and research programs at Addis Ababa University. Prof. Sven Rubenson had his training from University of Lund (which share its historiographical tradition from University of Göttingen), Prof. Donald Crummey, Prof. Merid Wolde Aregay, and Prof. Taddesse Tamrat from School of Africana and Oriental Studies ( SOAS), and Prof. Richard Pankhurst from London School of Economics.

It is beyond the scope of this memorial tribute to present a descriptive and factual account of their struggle in establishing professional academic and scholarly history writing on Ethiopia. All of them dedicated their resources and time in researching the various periods and geographical and thematic areas of Ethiopia, training students, building research capacities, funding documentation system and graduate programs.

Greatest works of the founders include

Aleme Eshete (1982), The Cultural Situation in Socialist Ethiopia. Paris. UNESCO.

Crummey, Donald (1972), Priests & Politicians: Protestant & Catholic Missions in Orthodox Ethiopia (1830-1868). Oxford

Levine, Donald (1974), Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society. London.

Marcus, Harold (1985), The life and times of Menelik II: Ethiopia, 1844-1913. Oxford.

Merid Wolde Aregay (1971), Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom, 1508-1708. SOAS.

Pankhurst, Richard (1968), Economic History of Ethiopia, 1800-1935. Addis Ababa.

Rubenson, Sven (1976), The survival of Ethiopian independence. London

Sergew Hable Selassie (1972), Ancient and medieval Ethiopian history to 1270. Addis Ababa.

Taddesse Tamrat (1972), Church and State in Ethiopia: 1270 – 1527. Oxford.

Zewde Gebre Sellassie (1975), Yohannes IV of Ethiopia: A Political Biography. Oxford

University based history teaching and research in Ethiopia has now over five decade tradition. The founders has set in motion a scientific method and approach in historical research and teaching, which amounts almost a revolution in the Ethiopian historiography. We all take immense pride in their scholarly achievements, and extend our sincere gratitude and appreciation for all of their hard work and devotion to the Ethiopian people.

Tsegaye Tegenu, PhD

Senior lecturer

Department of Social and Economic Geography

Uppsala University

Tsegaye.tegenu@epmc.se

UN Boosts Aid for Ethiopia, Somalia to Head Off Famine

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By Lisa Schlein | VOANews

U.N. aid agencies are appealing to international donors to provide money to scale up lifesaving operations in drought-stricken Ethiopia and Somalia, where millions of hungry people are at risk of death and illness.

Five years after a devastating 2011 famine killed nearly 260,000 people in Somalia, famine again is stalking that country. The worst-affected areas are in northern Puntland and Somaliland, where dozens of drought-related deaths and many illnesses already are being reported.

"On Sunday, we received reports of 38 deaths due to drought-linked reasons in the Bakool region of south-central Somalia," said Leo Dobbs, spokesman for the U.N. refugee agency. "Medical cases include people with acute malnutrition — especially children — watery diarrhea and cholera. These problems are likely to grow without substantial aid."

The United Nations estimates that half of Somalia's population, 6.2 million people, is threatened by the drought. The U.N. Children's Fund said children were the most vulnerable.

Christiane Boulierac, a UNICEF spokesman, said the number of children suffering from severe acute malnutrition "is expected to rise to 270,000 in the next few months."

Flight to urban areas


The UNHCR said thousands of people were leaving their homes and heading for urban areas, including the Somali capital, Mogadishu, because of the drought, rising food prices and dry weather forecasts — all problems compounded by continuing warfare.

Dobbs told VOA the Somali government was taking this situation very seriously, and that this was a very personal matter for President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, who was Somalia's prime minister during the 2011 famine disaster.

The president wants to make sure that scenes that marked those days are not repeated — scenes of "people walking for days and days and arriving in dreadful physical shape, and where children were suffering from acute malnutrition. He wants to avoid that certainly in areas where there is complete control," the refugee agency spokesman said.

UNHCR has begun helping displaced people in the worst-affected areas, Dobbs said, but "swift and substantial action and adequate funding are becoming urgently needed to avoid famine and a repeat of 2011."

The U.N. agency urgently needs $825 million to carry out humanitarian operations until June, he said.

On a related issue, the United Nations released $18.5 million from its global emergency fund in response to a new catastrophic drought in Ethiopia.

Jens Laerke of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs told VOA this response was "triggered by the very rapidly deteriorating situation we have in Ethiopia, and in particular in the Somali region, where the pastoralists were extremely vulnerable to climatic changes and were in very dire condition."

Farmers move herds

Laerke said the emergency funds could help more than 785,000 people suffering from hunger, malnutrition and severe water shortages. Thousands of farmers who raise livestock in the Somali region already have been forced to relocate their herds in search of water and pasture.

The current drought hit Ethiopia before the country had a chance to recover from the effects of a devastating El Nino-induced drought in 2015-16. That disaster left more than 10 million people in urgent need of aid last year.

Bettina Luescher, spokeswoman for the World Food Program, said the Ethiopian government and partners helped save countless lives and averted a humanitarian catastrophe.

"So the good news is that the numbers of people that this year will need help with food assistance is down from last year," she said. "This year, 5.6 million people will need assistance."

WFP said it needed $268 million to provide food aid for the drought victims through July. The United Nations has put the cost of its humanitarian operation for this year at $948 million.


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