Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 7)
Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 7)
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(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 7)
Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 7)
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The Culprit is the TPLF – Not Ethnic Federalism
By Aklilu bekele
The current horrendous situation the barbaric and kleptomaniac dictatorial TPLF regime has put Ethiopian in has brought the debate on ethnic based federalism back into the spotlight. Nowadays, barely a minute goes by without hearing or seeing the opponents of the ethnic based form of federalism in Ethiopia attempting to pound on ethnic federalism to gain the maximum political capital possible out of the bad situations and the suffering of the innocent victims of the TPLF led state terrorism. The veteran as well as the newly minted opponents of ethnic federalism are shouting at the height of their voices using any platform they can find that the ongoing war perpetuated by the TPLF regime against the Oromo people, particularly in Eastern and Southeastern Oromia, is yet another irrefutable proof for the failure of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. They even go as far as arguing that ethnic federalism has failed in Ethiopia in and of itself out of its own shear weight and inherent nature and not because of the failure of the TPLF to implement it whole-heartedly. The way the opponents are trying to frame the debate betrays their frantic jubilant mood as if their longstanding dream had come true.
Before I delve into the counter arguments made by the proponents of ethnic federalism, allow me to throw in a few sentences about the war the TPLF is waging against the Ethiopian people of Oromo origin in Eastern Oromia. It is beyond dispute that the recent event witnessed in Eastern and Southern Oromia is nothing but TPLF’s last ditch futile effort at the triangulation and expansion of the conflict in the face of the ongoing broad based and persistent opposition to its repression. The Oromo, Amhara, Somali, Sidama, Gurage, Wolayita and the other Ethiopian peoples are saying NO, in one voice, to the decades of repressions, killings, incarcerations, humiliations, displacements and robberies of their resources by the TPLF junta. The Ethiopian people are rising in unison to break out of the shackles of slavery and fear the TPLF has put them in.
It is a well established fact TPLF’s longstanding strategy of diffusing bipolar conflicts between itself and the Oromo, Amhara, Somali, Sidama or Gurage people –just to mention the major heavy weights in Ethiopian politics in terms of shear demographic size – is triangulation of the conflict. For instance, the TPLF always attempts to add a front to the real conflict between itself and the Oromo people and between itself and the Amhara people by inciting (fabricating) conflict between the Oromo and Amhara peoples. Based on this strategy, the TPLF has been attempting incessantly for the last 26 years to incite conflicts mainly between the Oromo and Amhara peoples. Fortunately, the diabolical efforts by the TPLF has been rendered for the most part pre-emptively ineffective thanks to the long history of peaceful coexistence between the two peoples.
Moreover, the massive demonstrations held in Oromia and Amhara States over the recent years put, in no uncertain terms, the final nail to the coffin of this TPLF’s savage strategy triangulating the conflict as TPLF-Oromo-Amhara conflict. The dumb-founded TPLF was left with nothing but to whisk a few bribed Somali elders carrying a “10 million birr donation check” to Mekele instructing them to tell the people of Tigray that they are not alone in this and that the Somali people are by their side. This was intended not only to calm the Tigray people who have been growing increasingly isolated, nervous and uncomfortable by the latest cascades of erratic and impulsive reactions by the TPLF to suppress the popular demands but it was also to officially declare that the efforts to triangulate the conflict is moving East. It is obvious that since the strategy of triangulation of the TPLF-Oromo people bipolar conflict or TPLF-Amhara people bipolar conflict has been dealt a final blow, TPLF was forced to play what it thought was its next best card from the few diminishing cards left in its hands. In a very interesting twist of events, Seye Abraha, a rebel commander-turned-defense minister who was a member of the Politburo of the TPLF and who is believed to be one of the main authors and architects of the TPLF war doctrine went to the same place, Easter Ethiopia, in 1991 in relation to the TPLF-Oromo conflict and bragged something to the effect of “…TPLF can create a war let alone winning a war….” Fast forward – we are here today. Alas, terrorist TPLF is at it again – trying to transplant the vortex of conflict at Oromia-Somali border in order to open a new front on the Oromo people for being on the forefront of the struggle of the Ethiopian people for peace, freedom, justice and democracy. So it is evidently clear that what we are seeing unfolding right in front of our eyes in Eastern Oromia today is nothing but that strategy of the triangulation of conflict at work.
Apologies for digressing more than I initially wanted. Going back to my main theme of this writing, the proponents of ethnic federalism are also making their point by arguing that what is certain to have failed in Ethiopia is not the ethnic federalism form of state but the absolute centralism that has bedeviled Ethiopia for over a century. They argue that the absolute unitary dictatorship (one language and one religion policy, among others) had been tried fiercely and in earnest (whole-heartedly with absolute commitment, giving it all they had and to the fullest extent possible) in Ethiopia from Menilik to Haile Selassie to Mengistu for over a century but it failed and failed miserably. The TPLF has continued the same old tired unitary militaristic dictatorship with a thinly veiled facade of federalism. If there is anything that makes the TPLF regime different from its predecessors, it is its pretension and con artistry to create an illusion of change by marginally changing the form without changing the substance an iota, none whatsoever.
Ethiopia has never tried federalism of any form nor democracy in its history. How can we conclude that something has failed when we have not tried it whole-heartedly in the first place? What type of experimentation is that? I believe the opponents of ethnic federalism know very well that what exists in today’s Ethiopia is not any form of federalism but an absolutely centralized TPLF dictatorship. They are blaming the form instead of the substance. They are attempting to use the current TPLF war on the Oromo people in Eastern and other parts of Oromia as an opportune moment and the casus belli for the war they have already declared anyway on ethnic federalism. It is hard to fathom but one dares to ponder that the opponents of ethnic federalism are so gullible that they would believe that Ethiopia’s multifaceted and multilayered complicated problems would vanish in one day were the TPLF take off its veil of fake federalism and come out naked for what it truly is; namely, the worst dictatorial centralist regime Ethiopia has ever known. The elaborate TPLF spy network that has been installed throughout Ethiopia spanning from the TPLF politburo all the way down to the infamous one-to-five (1-2-5) structure is an irrefutable testimony to the absolute dictatorial centralism under which the TPLF regime has been ruling and plundering the Ethiopian people since it controlled the state power in May 1991. This is the truth in the today’s Ethiopia.
However, the truth doesn’t matter for the opponents. They have the propensity to kick the truth aside if it is doesn’t serve their political purposes. Their untenable and feeble argument about the failure of federalism (whatever its form may be) in Ethiopia falls flat in the face of the reality on the ground in Ethiopia. The reality in Ethiopia has been out there for everyone to see with his/her naked eyes without any need for a visual aid. For the last 26 years, Ethiopia has been suffering from a super centralized TPLF autocratic, barbaric and terroristic rule.
The opponents’ argument makes sense if and only if we accept a hypothetical premise that Ethiopia has had a democratic system for the last 26 years. Otherwise, how can we blame ethnic federalism as the cause of the crises we are seeing unfolding in Ethiopia today or for the last 26 years for that matter because federalism never works without democracy? If we don’t accept the premise that Ethiopia is a democracy today, then blaming ethnic federalism for the country’s crises is not only absurd but it is also like indicting someone who has nothing to do with the crime. In fact, pointing finger to the ethnic federalism is in tune with what the terrorist TPLF propagandists are attempting in vain these days to hoodwink and make us believe with a vivid intent of deflecting the focus away from the real issue – themselves. In a nutshell, the opponents’ argument doesn’t stand to reason nor to any meaningful scrutiny. It is rather an intentional misrepresentation of the facts on the ground in order to divert our attention away from the real problems the country has been facing and their immediate and longstanding causes.
Just for the sake of argument, let us assume that what the opponents say is true and agree to abandon our efforts to institute a genuine ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. If that is the case, then it automatically begets that we have to also abandon our struggle for democracy because democracy has also failed in Ethiopia today. I hope the opponents would not argue with the same zeal as they do against ethnic federalism that democracy is flourishing in Ethiopia under the TPLF rule. If the opponents are arguing that the democratic experimentation has succeeded but it is only the ethnic federalism that has failed in Ethiopia today, then it is worth considering going to other forms of federal systems.
However, if the opponents of ethnic federalism agree that democracy has also failed in Ethiopia today, then there is a fallacy in their argument because true federalism (whatever its form may be) cannot be implemented without democracy. Democracy is an essential pre-requisite for any form of federalism. If the opponents of ethnic federalism accept the premise that democratization has failed in the TPLF ruled Ethiopia, are they also telling us with the same breath to forgo our struggle for democracy and leave Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people at the mercy of the barbaric, plunderous terrorist TPLF? Otherwise, if they accept the glaring truth that there is no democracy in Ethiopia, then they have to shift their accusing fingers to the failure of the democratization process and the TPLF instead of the non-existent ethnic federalism. There is an Amharic saying that goes something like ‘searching for dung where no cow has been”.
I would like to conclude by stating the obvious at the risk of sounding redundant and repetitive. The reality is that what have failed in Ethiopia over and over again for over a century are dictatorship and centralism. Ethnic federalism is the only realistic antidote not only for the birth defect and chronic ailments Ethiopia has been suffering from since its inception but for its unique multicultural nature and its recorded history of ethnic repression as well. We understand that the pre-TPLF Ethiopia for which the opponents of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia are nostalgic was a heaven for them but that doesn’t mean it was the same for everyone. The pre-TPLF and the TPLF Ethiopia is the same hell for the majority of the Ethiopian people. We, in the freedom camp, are striving to create an Ethiopia that is free, fair and just, an Ethiopia that treats all its citizens equal, an Ethiopia that is democratic, multicultural and ethnic federalist that we all call home and be proud of.
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Ethiopia: A threat to peace, security and stability in the Horn region
By Sophia Tesfamariam
At the 72nd Session of the UN General Assembly, Hailemariam Desalegn, the Ethiopian Prime Minister, gave lip service to “multilateralism” and international principles. Hailemariam Desalegn said:
“…Geo-political tensions reminiscent of the cold war are increasing; the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is posing real threats to global peace and security; terrorism and violent extremism continues to wreak havoc across different parts of the world; global income inequality is no longer a development challenge but also a security threat; climate change is not a fiction but real and we are witnessing its devastating consequences for humankind and the planet. Countries such as my own continue to face this horrendous challenge to their development… global problems certainly require global solutions. That is why commitment to multilateralism and adherence to principles that underpin it have never been as urgent as they are currently….”
Ethiopia’s development challenges stem from the myopic leadership’s misguided internal and external policies. Its insecurity stems from anxiety and fear of its own people, who are protesting its brutal rule and negligence. If there is proliferation of arms in the Horn of Africa, this bandwagon mercenary regime should know, as it is the only regime that is amassing arms and arming terrorist groups to “wreak havoc” in the region. A brutal regime that has displaced, pauperized and securitized Ethiopian society, a regime that uses food as a weapon of war against its own people, cannot feign concern about humanity’s fate…Charity begins at home!
Ethiopia has violated the Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission’s (EEBC) final and binding delimitation and demarcation decisions of 2002 and 2007 respectively and continues to occupy sovereign Eritrean territories, including Badme, in violation of the African Union and UN Charters. It is a regime that has reneged on international agreements it willingly signed, such as the 2000 Algiers Agreements between Eritrea and Ethiopia. It continues to reject the final and binding delimitation and demarcation decisions of the independent Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission delivered on 13 April 2002 and November 2007 respectively. The Ethiopian regime does not have the moral or legal authority to talk about “multilateralism” or “adherence to principles”. The Prime Ministers statements are as hollow as the seat it holds on the UN Security Council.
Ethiopia's street children
Despite media reports about Ethiopia having one of the “fastest growing economies in the world”, and despite being one of the biggest recipients of international humanitarian and development aid, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest countries in the world. Ethiopia is a country that cannot feed its own people, or provide healthcare, education or shelter.
In Addis Ababa alone, estimates are that perhaps 100,000 children, some as young as 5 years old, live on the streets and there are about a million homeless throughout the country. The average age at which children first find themselves homeless is between the age of 10 and 11 years. The regime’s racist ethnic based policies have resulted in the marginalization of millions and the destruction of the livelihoods of millions more.
According to the recently released UN Report of global hunger and poverty, “there is more than enough food produced in the world to feed everyone, yet 815 million people go hungry”.
In Ethiopia over 8 million are in need for emergency food aid and another 18 million Street childrenare in need of other humanitarian assistance. Reports coming out of Ethiopia today have a familiar and very predicable ring. Anytime there is conflict in Ethiopia and it looks like the Ethiopian regime is threatened, there is an avalanche of stories about drought, hunger, famine in Ethiopia…a convenient diversion. Today, as the violent conflicts rage in the Somali and Oromia regions, and as thousands are being displaced in yet another conflict instigated by the regime through its special forces, the Norwegian Refugee Council released this report on 19 September:
“…The nation is facing its worst drought in decades. 8.5 million men, women and children need immediate food assistance…”
The headlines for the last 2 decades have repeated the same tired line. Each year since the regime came to power, the mainstream media and the donor community said that Ethiopia was experiencing “the worst drought in years”. Ethiopia, despite being the recipient of billions in humanitarian and development aid in the last 2 decades, it has not translated into meaningful change in the standard of living of its people. There should be no shortage of food in Ethiopia as the country has ample water and land resources to feed its own people as well as all its neighbors. Ethiopia is said to be exporting food to others in the region, and many more are utilizing its vast lands to feed their own peoples. So why are its own people starving?
The reports about drought, famine and hunger in Ethiopia have become a cover and diversion for the repression, marginalization, and genocide by attrition taking place in the country. Ethiopia’s food insecurity is by design. The US led international community ought to be concerned about the Ethiopian government’s internal and domestic policies that have contributed to the widespread displacement, pauperization and securitization of Ethiopian society. The situation in Ethiopia is a threat to peace, stability and security of the entire region.
Displacement
Protracted displacement within the country has increased exacerbated by internal conflict between the Ethiopian government and insurgency groups in the Oromia and Somali regions of Ethiopia. Forced displacement is a tactic used by the regime in Ethiopia to maintain control over regions that it believes threaten its rule. The United Nations Educational and Scientific Organization (UNESCO) says internally displaced persons are:
“…persons or groups of persons who have been forced to flee, or leave, their homes or places of habitual residence as a result of armed conflict, internal strife, and habitual violations of human rights, as well as natural or man-made disasters involving one or more of these elements, and who have not crossed an internationally recognised state border…”
Ethiopia has the highest absolute displacement risk, with more than 120,000 people displaced every year. Today, there are over a million people who are internally displaced in Ethiopia. IRIN in its recent report[1] said:
“…There are 58 settlements for the internally displaced in the Somali region [Ethiopia] currently receiving government aid. But that’s only a fraction of the 222 sites containing nearly 400,000 displaced people identified in a survey by the International Organization for Migration…Forty-four percent of these camps reported no access to food, and only 31 percent had a water source within a 20-minute walk…”
The German Institute for International and Security Affairs[2] reported the following in May 2017:
“…With more than 700,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), Ethiopia produces 10.4 percent of the total IDP population in the IGAD region…The IDP population in Ethiopia is three times greater than the number of Ethiopian refugees in many other countries, and close to the total number of refugees hosted by Ethiopia. As of April 2016, there were 777,147 IDPs in Ethiopia due to a variety of causes…”
The Report also said:
“…This number does not include Development- induced Displacement (DID) and Man-made Disaster–induced Displacement (MDID). In the past 10 years, Ethiopia is estimated to have had close to 220,000 IDPs due to DID, emanating from infrastructure projects, including dams, industries and industrial parks, railways, roads, and urban renewal programmes…Thus, if we include IDPs due to DID in the figure, the number of IDPs in Ethiopia has been close to a million… Internal displacement causes people to be uprooted against their will…Ten primary displacement hotspot zones include -Afder, Siti (2 Zones of Somali), Nuer, Agnuak (2 zones of Gambella), Gurage (1 zones of SNPP), Mille (1 zones of Afar), North Showa (1 zones of Amhara), Arsi, Borena, West Hararege (3 zones of Oromia)…”
The recent headlines highlight the looming humanitarian emergency in Ethiopia. Suffice it to mention a few:
- “…We are disturbed by the troubling reports of ethnic violence and the large-scale displacement of people living along the border between the Oromia and Somali regions, particularly in Hararge…”-( US State Department 17 September 2017)
- “…Thousands of people are being displaced from the Somali region in Eastern Ethiopia…Prices of staples have skyrocketed in the town due to disruptions in freight transportation and trade… “(Ethiopian Satellite Television Service (ESAT))
- “…Overall, some 416,807 Oromos have been displaced this year alone in fear of attacks by the Somali region’s Special Police Force…”-( The Voice of America (VoA) 17 September 2017)
- “…the Ethiopian government says recent clashes between ethnic Somalis and Oromos have killed hundreds and displaced thousands from their homes…”- (BBC 25 September 2017)
- “…With more than 80 percent of the Ethiopian population dependent on agriculture and pastoralism for subsistence, the disruptions caused by the regime’s villagization program are resulting in increased food insecurity, destruction of livelihoods, and the loss of cultural heritage…” (Oakland Institute)
- According to the 2016 Global Report on Internal Displacement (GRID). In Ethiopia’s internally displaced camps:
Internally displaced Ethiopians“…72 per cent were under the age of 18, including around 16,000 infants under the age of four It also showed nearly 200 people suffering from chronic disease or serious medical conditions, and nearly 300 with physical or mental disabilities…There were more than 3,200 people aged 60 or over, nearly 2,500 pregnant or breast-feeding women and nearly 1,000 households headed by one person, most often a woman…”
Ethiopia’s IDPs are exposed to crimes such as rape, trafficking and in addition to personal insecurity, they are exposed to high health risks. IDPs also expose others to pandemics, communicable and non-communicable diseases, as well as physical and mental health problems. The humanitarian emergency in Ethiopia poses grave threats to national, regional, and international peace and security, health and the environment. The regime denies the existence of long-term IDPs in the country, ostensibly, to protect “Ethiopia’s image” and while the international community has acknowledged the situation of internally displaced persons in Ethiopia, this acknowledgement has been followed by little, if any, tangible action against the regime. Providing the regime diplomatic , financial, military shield and support seem to be the only response to date….
Pauperization
Ethiopia has one of the lowest incomes per capita. The conditions of poverty entail deterioration in health for many of Ethiopia’s inhabitants. The most common diseases that cause mortality are AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. Improper sanitation and malnutrition contribute to the various communicable diseases in the country, especially in the IDP and refugee camps. Ethiopia’s “pro-poor growth strategy” of the last decade and a half has exacerbated poverty in the country. Its economic development has “failed to narrow the rural urban divide and promote inclusive growth and development”[3].
Ethiopian landslidesIn March 2017, the world watched in horror as news of a massive landslide at a dump site in Addis Abeba, the Ethiopian capital, where the UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the African Union (AU) are headquartered, claimed the olives of over 115 people as they rummaged for food. Many of the victims were squatters who scavenged for a living in the 30-hectare (74-acre) dump.
There is wide disparity in the access to education and healthcare across the country, with the remote pastoralist regions of the Somali and Afar regions lagging. Wide margin of the population is excluded from the fruits of the so called “double digit growth”, and while there have been reports about Ethiopia’s few new millionaires, majority of the Ethiopian people remain desperately poor. The infamous “land grabs” in the country have perpetuated “cycles of poverty, food insecurity, and marginalized the country’s most vulnerable citizens”, says the Oakland Institute[4]. Deprived of their customary livelihoods, Ethiopia’s pastoralists have been systematically pauperized.
As with the previous Derg regime, the controversial “villagization program” in Ethiopia has contributed to the displacement and subsequent pauperization of Ethiopians in the Oromia and Somali regions of Ethiopia. The Oakland Institute says in Ethiopia’s “villagization” program:
“…local, often pastoral, populations are being forcibly removed from their lands and resettled in ways that neglect their traditional ways of life and livelihoods. These forced evictions have been accompanied by gross human rights abuses, including the rape, killing, torture, and arbitrary detention of local populations…”
While the western media, the World Bank and IMF tout Ethiopia’s development strategies and finance its controversial “villagization” program, the Oakland Institute says:
“….As part of the villagization program, more than 1.5 million residents of Ethiopia (225,000 people in Gambella) have begun or will begin relocating away from their ancestral lands. Contrary to wide reporting, the Ethiopian government has stated that the relocation is voluntary and necessary to centralize infrastructure. While centralizing infrastructure sounds like a worthy ideal in principal…”
The deteriorating human security conditions in Ethiopia affect the most vulnerable of Ethiopian society-the children. According to the 2017 Global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), in Ethiopia:
“…More than half of the population are also destitute…more than 90% of children are MPI poor…The region with the highest deprivation in nutrition is Affar in Ethiopia…”
According to USAID[5]:
“…Household food insecurity, hunger and undernutrition remain critical issues; the poor nutritional status of women and children has been a consistent problem in Ethiopia. Undernutrition is an underlying cause of 53 percent of infant and child deaths. Rates of stunting and underweight have decreased over the past decade but remain high with 44 percent of children under five stunted and 29 percent underweight. Lack of dietary diversity and micronutrient-dense food consumption, and problematic child feeding practices contribute to the high rates of child undernutrition. Only half of infants are exclusively breastfed and introduced complementary foods at the appropriate time, and only 4 percent of young children are receiving a minimal acceptable diet. One quarter of women of reproductive age are undernourished, leaving their children predisposed to low birth weight, short stature, lower resistance to infections, and higher risk of disease and death…Children in rural areas are more likely to be stunted (46 percent) than those in urban areas (36 percent), and great regional variations persist, with Amhara (52 percent), Tigray (51 percent), Affar (50 percent), and Benishangul-Gumuz (49 percent) more severely affected, while Addis Ababa (22 percent) and Gambela (27 percent) have the lowest rates…”
poor-migrants-from-eastern-ethiopia-in-addis-ababa-ethiopia-africa-AAG3H6Displacement brings dislocation, breaking up of families, and little or no access to land to grow and feed themselves. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs [6] in its 22 September 2017 report said:
“…In Ethiopia, an estimated 375,000 children may become severely acutely malnourished (SAM) by the end of 2017, while some 3.6 million moderately acutely malnourished (MAM) children and pregnant and lactating women (PLW) require supplementary feeding… In Ethiopia, a 27 per cent increase in the number of Acute Watery Diarrhoea [Cholera] cases was reported nationwide during the last week in August, mainly due to spikes in new cases reported in Amhara and Tigray regions and a resurgence of the outbreak in Afar region…”
The Ethiopian regime’s domestic and military policies in the Somali and Oromo regions, as with all nationalities it perceived as a threat to its survival, contributed to institutionalizing famine and dependency and the pauperization of the Afar, Amhara, Gambela, Oromia and Somali peoples of Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s chronic poverty, and further pauperization of its population, remains a major threat to peace and security threat in the Horn of Africa.
Securitization
War on terror discourse has resulted in securitization of every aspect of Ethiopian society and the regime has declared war on any individuals and organizations that it deemed fit by simply labeling them “terrorist’. In 2009, the Ethiopian government passed anti-terror legislation, with definitions of terrorist activity that are broad and ambiguous. The legislation is used to clampdown on political dissent, including political demonstrations and public criticisms of government policy that are deemed supportive of armed opposition activity. Opposition groups and members of the media have been labeled terrorists-allowing the frightened Ethiopian regime to use brute force to squelch the nationwide protests.
Merara Gudina, the leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) was arrested for participating in a European Parliament forum which included members of other Ethiopian opposition groups. The Ethiopian Embassy provided this explanation:
“…Despite his awareness of these provisions, Dr. Merera Gudina allegedly met and discussed with the leader of a group listed as terrorist in Brussels from 7-9 November 2016. Hence, the arrest of Dr Merera Gudina is not related with the meeting in the European Parliament but the alleged discussion with the leader of a terrorist group. If this meeting is confirmed by the investigation, this would have to be considered as a clear and deliberate violation of the state of emergency…”
The regime that partnered with other Ethiopian liberation movements to get to the helm, has now decided to outlaw all liberation movements in the country, including those that fought alongside the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF)- the ruling party. In 2010, the rubber stamp Ethiopian Parliament labeled three domestic opposition groups – the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Ginbot 7 – as “terrorists” alongside international groups like Al-Qaeda and Al-Shabbab. While none are listed in the Terrorism Tracking and Analysis Consortium (TRAC) or on any other international list, TPLF is:
“…The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is a political party in Tigray, Ethiopia that has been listed as a perpetrator in the Global Terrorism Database, based on ten incidents occurring between 1976 and 1990…”
DMLEK and RSADO, groups financed and harbored by regime in Ethiopia, responsible for several attacks against Eritrea, are also listed in the Global Terrorism Database. The TPLF regime continues to terrorize its own people and neighboring states with its aggressive wars of expansion, invasion and occupation. Greater Tigray
The Amhara, Ogadeni, Oromo and Somali in Ethiopia and their vanguard organizations have been presented as an “existential problem” to its handlers, allowing it free reign to take extraordinary actions, including declaring a state of emergency and unleashing the military against its own people. The frightened regime sees enemies everywhere, especially in its own people, and has managed to construct those it considers its enemies as being “broader international threats”. Targets of its domestic “counterinsurgency” programs, using the Global War on Terror (GWT) as pretext…to justify “hunting them down” -even in neighboring states.
Tobias Hagman of the Rift Valley Institute says:
“…Security has been used to justify a range of political and military tactics, almost to the point where the rule of law and due process no longer exist. Instead, there is despotic and personalized rule, and a new set of security-driven patron–client relationships…The securitization of regional politics did not only lead to greater violence; it also had a substantial impact on the region’s political elites…”
The “Global War on Terror” has enabled the regime to securitize Ethiopian society. Presenting developments in Ethiopia within a narrative of security and by labeling peaceful demonstrators/protesters as “anti-peace elements”, “terrorists” etc. the regime justifies its brutal actions.
The TPLF regime established the Special Forces “Liyu Police” as a counter-insurgency force against the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). It has been accused of instigating the latest Oromia-Somali region conflict, in which hundreds were killed and many more displaced. Thousands of Ethiopians languish in detention centers accused of security-related offences.
Graham Peebles in his article, “State terrorism in Ethiopia’s Ogaden region”[7] writes:
“…A willing ally in the “war on terror”, Ethiopia is a strategically convenient base from which the US launches it’s deadly Reaper Drones over Yemen and Somalia, carrying out “targeted assassinations” against perceived threats to “national security” and the American way of life. In exchange, perhaps, irresponsible benefactors – Britain, America and the European Union – turn a blind eye and a deaf ear to the human rights abuses being perpetrated throughout the country by the highly repressive dictatorship enthroned in Addis Ababa…There is indeed terrorism raging throughout large parts of the Ogaden and elsewhere in the country. It is state terrorism perpetrated by a brutal regime that is guilty of widespread criminality, much of which constitutes crimes against humanity…”
Time and again, the US response has been to “call on the Ethiopian government” to conduct an investigation of itself. As predicted, each time, the investigations absolved the government of any wrong doing.
After over 400 people were massacred in the Gambela genocide, the then US Ambassador to Ethiopia Aurelia Brazeal in an IRIN report stated:
“…we have released a statement on our position on Gambella, which is to support the government’s stated intentions to have an investigation to get to the root causes and also to investigate those people who took part in the violence and take them into the legal process here and [so that they can] be tried for being participants in the violence…”
The US Embassy in Ethiopia released this statement on the recent Oromia-Somali issue:
“…We urge the Ethiopian government to conduct a transparent investigation into all allegations of violence and to hold those responsible accountable. At the same time, on the local level, communities must be encouraged and given space to seek peaceful resolutions to the underlying conflicts…”
Asking the TPLF regime to investigate itself is like asking Hitler to head the investigations on the Jewish Holocaust, or Bin Laden to investigate terrorism…
Some things never change…
The situation in Ethiopia is a threat to the peace, stability and security of the entire Horn region and it behooves the US led international community to heed the calls of the suffering Ethiopian people and stop supporting the “genocide by attrition” taking place in Ethiopia…
[2] https://www.swp-berlin.org/fileadmin/contents/products/arbeitspapiere/Maru_2017_Internal_Displacement_Ethiopia.pdf Accessed 09/20/2017
[3] Inclusive Growth and Development Issues in Eastern and Southern Africa, Musahara, Herman (2016)
[4] https://www.oaklandinstitute.org/miracle-mirage-manufacturing-hunger-poverty-ethiopia Accessed 09/26/2017
[5] https://www.usaid.gov/what-we-do/global-health/nutrition/countries/ethiopia-nutrition-profile Accessed 09/29/2017
[6] https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/horn-africa-humanitarian-impacts-drought-issue-10-22-september-2017 Accessed 09/22/2017
[7] http://www.redressonline.com/2015/01/state-terrorism-in-ethiopias-ogaden-region/ Accessed 09/20/2017
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Despite abuses, expelled Ethiopians hope to be smuggled back to Saudi Arabia
Ethiopian maids
By Tom Gardner | Thomson Reuters Foundation
Ethiopian maid Zenit Ali has post-traumatic stress disorder after being mistreated by her Saudi Arabian employer and deported in a government crackdown, but she still hopes to return to the Middle East.
The 27-year-old is among some 70,000 illegal Ethiopian migrants expelled from the Gulf kingdom since March, as it seeks to reduce its reliance on millions of migrant laborers.
“I‘m not happy,” she anxiously told the Thomson Reuters Foundation, while staying in a shelter for trafficked women run by a local charity Agar Ethiopia.
“I have no job here in Ethiopia. I want to build my home but I can’t because my family has used all the money. I need to go back.”
The number of Ethiopians being smuggled and trafficked to the Middle East has surged in recent years, as brokers lure the poor and unemployed with promises of a better life.
Most women work as maids, often for more than 20 hours a day, with few legal rights. Many do not have enough food or sleep, have their phones and passports confiscated and endure physical and sexual abuse, rights groups say.
The controversial “kafala” sponsorship system, used across the Gulf, requires foreign workers to get their employer’s consent to change jobs or leave the country.
Saudi Arabia has publicly said it will deport or jail an additional 400,000 or so Ethiopians it believes live there illegally, following the August expiry of an amnesty allowing them to leave without punishment.
During a 2013 crackdown, many of 160,000 Ethiopians who were expelled were first detained, beaten and held in squalid conditions, Human Rights Watch said. Others were dumped in the desert near the Yemeni border, it said.
Despite these risks, most migrants choose not to leave.
“People may prefer to stay there even with the threat of imprisonment,” Abebaw Minyaw, a psychology professor at Addis Ababa University, said in an interview in his office.
“The original factors that pushed them there in the first place — poverty, above all — have not changed.”
An Ethiopian government spokesman did not respond to requests for comment.
A DOG AND A SLAVE
In interviews with more than 1,000 returnees in 2014, the professor found the majority had been abused - yet they still wanted to return to the Gulf.
Most said they were not given any time off work or allowed to meet friends outside their employers’ homes.
More than a quarter had mental health problems, he found, attributing this to violations, like rape, beating, overwork and being called a dog and a slave.
Experts say Ethiopians are likely to keep risking their lives as migrants because they lack opportunities at home.
“(They) are imbued with a very strong sense of responsibility for the economic welfare of their families, which propels them to seek opportunities outside Ethiopia,” said Bina Fernandez, a migration expert at the University of Melbourne.
Back-to-back droughts have left 8.5 million people in Africa’s second most populous country in need of food aid.
Most migrants use illegal channels because it is cheaper and faster, according to Kenya-based Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS) think tank. A record 117,000 Ethiopians arrived in Yemen last year, it said.
Organized criminal networks traffic people between Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia and Yemen, which is the gateway to the Middle East, the United Nations migration agency says.
Already this year 55,000 migrants, mostly young Ethiopian men, have taken the hazardous route from the Horn of Africa to Yemen and on to the Gulf, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said.
The route is popular because it is cheaper than others, but migrants often fall victim to abuse.
Hundreds of Ethiopian and Somali migrants were forced from boats into rough seas off Yemen in August by smugglers trying to avoid authorities or armed groups on shore in war-torn Yemen, IOM said. At least 60 migrants drowned.
FALSE PROMISES
One of the main challenges in avoiding such tragedies is that most Ethiopian migrants to the Gulf chose to be smuggled across borders, often in deals arranged by brokers and employment agents from their own communities.
“The brokers give them false promises,” said Niguse Mekonen, a spokesman for the charity Agar Ethiopia.
“They don’t know what they’ll face.”
It is easy for smugglers to become traffickers, subjecting the migrants they are transporting to forced labor or sexual exploitation.
The line between the two can be hazy, the professor said.
The U.N. defines trafficking as the recruitment, transport or transfer of people through the use of force, coercion and fraud for the purpose of exploitation.
The number of traffickers convicted in Ethiopia surged 10-fold to 640 in 2016, up from 69 in 2015, the U.S. State Department said in its 2017 Trafficking in Persons Report.
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Clashes threaten Ethiopia's delicate ethnic balance
By AFP
She was not one of them, but Saada Youssef had lived alongside the Somali people of eastern Ethiopia for years. Then came the day local officials told her to leave or die.
"Even on the truck, people were throwing stones at us," Saada said, recalling her escape in a vehicle sent to rescue people of Oromo ethnicity living in the Somali region where tit-for-tat ethnic violence killed hundreds last month.
Saada found refuge in a collection of abandoned buildings in Adama, a city far from her home in the eastern town of Wachale, one of several areas in Ethiopia's Oromia and Somali regions that have seen fighting between two of the country's largest ethnic groups.
The bloody clashes threaten to upset the delicate ethnic balance of Africa's second most populous country, where the all-powerful ruling party last year declared a state of emergency to end months of sometimes deadly anti-government protests spearheaded by the Oromos.
The unrest raises questions about the future of Ethiopia's "ethnic federalism" system of governance, which is supposed to offer a degree of self-determination to the country's diverse peoples but which critics say is often overruled by the federal government.
- A permanent rupture? -
What triggered September's violence is unclear, but its results are not.
A government spokesman said hundreds of people have been killed in recent weeks and a local official in the eastern city of Harar said that more than 67,800 Oromos alone have fled, not to mention the Somalis who have moved in the opposite direction.
Survivors of the ethnic fighting blamed the government for not doing more to stop the bloodshed. They are worried it might lead to a permanent rift between the country's Somali and Oromo communities.
"This could be ethnic cleansing," said Molu Wario, an Oromo who fled fighting in Moyale in the south along the border of the Somali and Oromia regions, after a land dispute turned ugly.
"It has led to hostility, and the relationship between us will never be the same as before," he said.
The logic of ethnic federalism sees different communities running their own affairs, so Somalis are in charge of the Somali region while Oromos run Oromia, but communities mix in all nine of Ethiopia's regions and squabbles over land and resources are common, though not always so violent.
This time, Somali and Oromo leaders alike allege atrocities committed by the other to justify their attacks.
Somalis point to a clash in Awaday, a town in Oromia, where they claim Oromos killed 18 Somali traders who were selling khat, a leafy plant that is a mild stimulant when chewed and is hugely popular in Ethiopia.
They also claim Oromos burned eight children to death in a district along the shared regional border and murdered patients in a hospital.
The claims could not be independently verified, though a diplomat in the capital Addis Ababa said the Oromia region's police force took part in the clashes.
Whatever the truth of the allegations, the retribution they have spurred is real.
- 'I have nothing left' -
Fleeing Oromos say the Somalis who chased them away from their homes with knives and guns cited the attack in Awaday.
Abdel Jabbar Ahmed, who escaped from Wachale, said he was told: "The Oromos killed 20 Somalis in Awaday, so we are going to take all the Oromos inside Somali region out."
Other dispossessed Oromos said their Somali friends and neighbours sheltered them when violence broke out, but that the regional security force -- known as the Liyu police and repeatedly criticised by rights groups -- was responsible for the worst of the excesses.
Ayub Abdullah, an Oromo day labourer who lived for 15 years in the Somali regional capital Jigjiga, said he was confronted by a mob at work, who demanded to know his ethnicity.
Then, four Liyu police attacked him and throttled him with a rope. Afterwards Ayub fled to a camp for displaced Oromos on the outskirts of Harar, a walled city near the border between the two regions.
"I work with lots of different people, but it was only Oromos who were being targeted," he said.
The military now guards major roads along the flashpoint border areas, gradually restoring calm to restive areas such as Jigjiga and Moyale.
But among the displaced, there's little talk of return.
"I saved all I had for 20 years and I lost it at once. Why would I go back there?" Saada said. "I have nothing left there."
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HK airport customs finds HK$2 million of cocaine in hand luggage of a traveller arriving from Ethiopia
By Coconuts Hong Kong
Customs officers seized almost HK$2 million (US$255,000) worth of suspected cocaine at Hong Kong International Airport from a 31-year-old man arriving from Ethiopia, who allegedly stowed the drug in a hidden compartment of his hand luggage.
The man, who faces a maximum fine of HK$5 million and potential life imprisonment under the city’s drug laws, was arrested yesterday after officers discovered about 1.95 kilograms of the substance in his bag.
In a statement, Hong Kong Customs said the suspect, who arrived from the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa on an afternoon flight, had a slab of suspected cocaine hidden in a false compartment in his carry-on bag.
Police are continuing the investigation.
According to customs department figures, officers handled 762 dangerous drug cases last year, which led to 328 arrests and the seizure of narcotics valued at some HK$432 million (about US$55 million).
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(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 9)
Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 9)
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Ethiopia: President says country in serious financial crisis
President Mulatu Teshome
By ESAT
Ethiopia will devalue its currency to attract foreign investment and close the gap in foreign trade, President Mulatu Teshome said at the opening of the bicameral parliament on Monday.
He said his government is faced with a serious shortage of hard currency and export trade has dwindled in last three years. Mulatu said major projects like the construction of railway and universities will not be carried out this budget year due to a serious shortage of finances.
The president said more taxes will be levied on the big taxpayers to boost the amount the government obtains from taxes.
Last month ESAT, quoting its sources, reported that the country would devalue its currency in a bid to cope with the serious foreign currency crunch and in attempt to cover a billion dollar loan payment due this years.
Critics say further devaluing the country’s currency would shoot the price of food even higher, increase transportation fares and rent, affecting those in retirement and those who live paycheck to paycheck.
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Botched federalism, rumbling political volcano and the future of Ethiopia
By Alem Mamo
The existence of various ethnic groups within a sovereign state territory presents a positive potential for constructive social, economic, political, and cultural collaboration and partnership that could be a force for building an enduring national political structure benefiting all citizens. On the other hand, however, ethnic identity, and most importantly its interpretation, could be vulnerable to political manipulation by those holding political power to serve as a rationale and justification for exclusion and dehumanization of the “other” and eventually for the unleashing of organized violence. In almost all cases of such violence, the development of a well-constructed narrative that amplifies and exploits the perceived or real differences to the point of dehumanization is a premeditative launching pad for violence and war against a particular group or groups.
In the past, this kind of “large group identity” interpretation and its political manipulation has led to abhorrent degree of violence which often has manifested itself through civil war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. It is in our recent memory, such an extreme and exclusive interpretation of identity has led, for example, to the genocide in Rwanda, which resulted in the deaths of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus by the Hutu extremists. In the former Yugoslavia, the suffering and death of thousands was attributed to the same manipulation and exploitation of large group identity by Serb forces led by self-proclaimed nationalist and extremist leaders, such as Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic. We are also watching with horror the unfolding catastrophe facing Rohingyas in Myanmar, which the UN has called “a text book example of ethnic cleansing.” These were countries that at some point enjoyed peace and a good degree of coexistence and unity. With irresponsible political manipulation and in the absence of responsible central government social cohesion and coexistence could unravel rapidly, paving the way for intractable conflict and deadly violence.
“Large group identity” and its interpretation and, most importantly its manipulation by the political elite for advancing political goals, continues to be a major political asset and dangerous trend in parts of the world where “active ethnicity” remains a strong construct and is a readily available force for those with political power to mobilize. It is at times the unquestioning loyalty that those among the elite often count on to advance their political ambitions that makes large group identity a social identity that could serve certain political goals or objectives. Often, simply being a member of a specific ethnic group is sufficient enough to win trust and to be trusted, regardless of the undeclared or declared political and economic intentions of the upper echelon of the political elite, or those often-considered ethnic leaders.
It is this blanket trust from “my” ethnic group or groups that most often offers the political elite significant capital to maneuver without any discernible challenge to their political narratives and ideological views or ambitions to power. While the problem stemming from the interpretation of large group identity remains a major challenge in many parts of the world, post-colonial Africa has its lion’s share of this complex socio-political dilemma. The seeds of large group identity as political and governance capital were blended into the African political landscape during the early days of colonial adventure by the Western powers.
The purpose of this rather divisive strategy was to weaken and possibly eliminate any united and nationalist opposition to the colonial rule by pitting one ethnic group against the other. This was often executed by offering political and economic tokens and favors to those who declared their allegiances to the colonial rulers. Thus, the colonial strategy of “divide and conquer” was an effective approach in subduing and in some cases at least temporarily neutralizing any resistance. While, such a strategy benefited the colonizers in providing them a stable and subdued environment to govern, it created a long-term polarized landscape that continued to affect post-colonial Africa to this day.
Although Ethiopia has remained the only country on the continent to withstand the European campaign of the “Scramble for Africa” by successfully defending itself from attempted Italian colonization, it too has faced complex challenges of ethnicity and ethnic identity. In Ethiopia, the aspect of ethnic nationalism as a political force came to the forefront of the political discourse when Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), an ethnic-based guerilla movement, overthrew the military junta in 1991 which was experimenting with its own version of Leninist-Stalinist political and economic policies.
The argument and political narrative offered by TPLF for its political re-engineering of the country was that historically there had been political, economic, and cultural domination by the Amhara ethnic group. Thus, TPLF designed and organized the entire political, geographic, economic, and cultural landscape with ethnic compartments. Moreover, to achieve its desired goals, the TPLF introduced two key elements into the country’s political field. First, political parties were organized exclusively on ethnic bases with the political, moral and logistical support from the TPLF-led central government. Secondly, the country was divided into ten perceived linguistic and ethnic regions. As a result, ethnic parties mushroomed across the country. This in return facilitated the exclusion, marginalization and even criminalization of centripetal political forces. Hence, what is called “Ethnic federal system” came to be in Ethiopia. The problem is the system is neither ethnic nor federal. It is a system designed to hand all political and economic power to the TPLF, and it worked. Until now.
In its authentic sense, federalism is a form of political arrangement for governance in which (1) two levels of government rule the same land and people, (2) each level of government has at least one area of action in which it is autonomous, and (3) there is some constitutional guarantee of each government in its own sphere. While the institutional furnishing of federalism is based on the above arrangements, the technical and historical format of federalism evolves through two forms, which are “coming together” and “holding together” federations. “Coming together” federations are mainly voluntary forms of federalism that are designed for fostering and enhancing efficiency and security. “Holding together” federations, on the other hand, are designed with a purpose of preserving unity of the country. Despite formational and historical differences, however, the core principal and value of federal political arrangements are self-rule and shared-rule which are anchored on democratic principles.
Most of the older and more mature federal arrangements, often called “classical” federalism, made the constitutional guarantee of individual freedom, such us freedom of expression, assembly, and rights, feature as the important part of the federal political system. As is the case in Canada, the United States, Belgium, and Switzerland, individual rights are the pillars of the political landscape, assuring citizens of their role and participation in the social, economic, political, and cultural life of their country.
In terms of ideological orientation, throughout the armed struggle, the TPLF remained loyal to the Leninist-Stalinist ideology. Thus, it believed the solution to the “national question” could be found in the ideology it endorsed and implemented. What is more, the current ethnic-federal arrangement in Ethiopia and the system in the former USSR have some common features. The TPLF strict one-party control is like the Communist Party control of the former Soviet state. Both have manipulated ethnicity through strict party discipline. Moreover, the insertion of the principle of secession in the Ethiopian constitution is reminiscent of the TPLF Leninist-Stalinist thinking. In 1994, however, it was difficult to maintain such principles in the international arena. It became apparent for the leadership quick adjustment is required.
With Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika and glasnost bringing an end to the USSR, political freedom and economic liberalization were sweeping through Eastern Europe, the group had a choice to make: whether to continue practicing the Leninist-Stalinist ideology or make some adjustments to accommodate the new international political order. Bowing to international pressure, particularly from the United States, the TPLF abandoned most of its Soviet-style policies and proposed minor economic liberalization. However, in the political front, the group kept some of the old ideology, such as the “national question” and the “nationalization of land.”
The nature of an ethnic political party system is exclusionary and it works contrary to the very principles of a party system. Ethnic political parties are both “inscriptive” and “exclusionary.” Even if the democratic process “works” ethnic parties have a tendency of creating the notion that “majorities took power and minorities took shelter,” which indicates a “permanent exclusion of minorities” from the government. These present a challenge to the conventionally accepted meaning of a party. This feature of an ethnic political party identifies it with pressure groups rather than political parties. Ethnic political parties thrive by playing to group interest, by arousing anxieties and fears among their followers. On the other hand, multi-ethnic political parties must play down group interest by conciliating conflict, by compromising issues, by seeking formula for the combination of many groups into a block strong enough to win.
One of the most dangerous features of ethnic party systems is their tendency to aggravate ethnic conflict and ethnic political parties have the tendency to widen or deepen inter-group cleavages and the growth of stronger and stronger groups dedicated to the promotion of narrow group claims places greater strain on the social mechanisms for the settlement of group conflict. In a situation, whereby ethnic groups are encouraged to organize themselves on ethnic lines, there exists the potential for confronting the “other” in a violent way. The broadening of the political base not only facilitates an environment of peace and tolerance, it also nurtures the culture of working together.
After two decades of such restrictive and undemocratic and unremarkable federal arrangement, the political architecture in Ethiopia has began to unravel. Any stubborn attempt to save it is to gamble on the continuation of the country as a unified sovereign state. The status quo is irreparable and it is in contradiction to the wishes of the majority. Thus, it must be thrown out.
As a matter of fact, a federal political arrangement could still be a viable political system in Ethiopia. However, for the system to be embraced by the population it must be authentic and most importantly truly democratic. Furthermore, any future federal arrangement must ensure a balance between central and regional distribution of power and control. One must not be a threat to the other. In fact, if properly exercised and implemented these two power structures could be complementary and reinforce each other with out diminishing the other. At the same time, it is undemocratic, arrogant and dangerous to conclude that federalism is the only political formula that is well suited to address the country’s historical, political, economic and social woes. The door always must be open to explore and interrogate other options. Ultimately, whatever the future political order it must obtain the consent and mandate of the Ethiopian people through promulgation of the new constitution and full participation in the democratic exercise. Anything short of this is not only doomed to fail, but also a threat to the country’s survival.
The question for the country and for its people, who have endured so much, is: what is the next experiment?
The growing political crisis in Ethiopia is very serious. To avert a major catastrophe, which could have unprecedented consequences on the Horn of Africa/Eastern Africa region, several changes must happen and happen quickly. The statusquo is on life support and it can’t be resuscitated. Any attempt to do so is going to be futile. Here are some practical and crucial first steps the regime must take. First, all political prisoners must be released. Secondly, initiate communication channel with all opposition political parties inside and outside the country. Third, lay the ground work for all inclusive transitional government under the auspices of a third party. These are important initial key steps that will usher in a new political arrangement and discourse in the country.
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Ethiopia: An Unreliable Ally in the War Against Terror — The TPLF
Congress should pass H.R. 128 and the Senate should pass S.R. 168. Neither should succumb to the deceptive games of the TPLF and SGR lobbying group
As a member of AMISOM TCC (African Union Mission in Somalia Troop Contributing Countries), the TPLF regime in Ethiopia has shamelessly used the war on terror to enrich its generals at the expense of thousands of poor Ethiopian troops. Based on accounts of the families of soldiers who fought Al Shabab for years, a substantial portion of the compensation provided by donor nations and the UN goes directly into the pockets of ruthless TPLF generals, who see the war on terror as a business opportunity. Once they are recruited to go to Somalia, Ethiopian soldiers have two enemies. Those enemies are Al Shabab, who wants to kill them, and the greedy generals who steal a chunk of their salaries. Even though the UN and its donors assume families of dead soldiers are well compensated and are expected to receive up to 50,000 US dollars, the TPLF reports most of the dead soldiers as lost and their families may not even be informed of the death of their loved ones.
The level of corruption and cruelty that the TPLF demonstrates is very clear from the new memorandum of understanding that AMISOM’s TCCs have signed. Out of the currently approved $1,028 US, here is how participant countries agreed to pay their soldiers.
- Kenya gives the entire allowance of $1,028 US to its soldiers.
- Burundi and Uganda deduct $200 US and give $828 US to their soldiers.
- Djibouti deducts $328 US and gives $700 US to its soldiers.
- The TPLF deducts over half of the allowance, splitting the retained amount equally between the government and the Army Foundation, which is stated as a social organization.
It is important to note that the TPLF does not even state the actual amount it is giving to the soldiers that are sacrificing their lives to the War on Terror. Besides that, the so-called Army Foundation is another scheme that the TPLF designed to enrich its corrupt generals and their TPLF families. The lack of accountability of the TPLF that was permitted for years by donor nations and the African Union (AU) is astounding. This situation bankrupted the morale of Ethiopian soldiers who are upset by the way they are treated by their government. When soldiers complained about the situation, they were forced to suffer very serious consequences, including imprisonments and torture.
One of the main reasons Al Shabab was able to attain a strong hold in various regions of Somalia is because it claims to build resistance against Ethiopian evading forces. The war between Somalia and Ethiopia in 1977 has created a lot of animosity between the two neighbors and Al Shabab has exploited that situation to its advantage. Most Somalis do not like Al Shabab. However, they also hate the presence of Ethiopian solders on their soil, so they would rather stick with Al Shabab than help Ethiopian soldiers. Some experts argue that if Ethiopian forces withdraw from AMISOM, it would become harder for Al-Shabab to play the anti-Ethiopia media narrative card to recruit its fighters. Somalis also don’t believe Ethiopia has an interest in a stable Somali Government. That sentiment was clearly at play during a recent presidential election where the TPLF’s favorite candidate Hassan Sheikh Mohamud lost the bid while Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo won the election.
A research article by Zimmerman, K. et al (American Enterprise Institute, March 2017, pages 1-15) describes US strategy in Somalia as not being a long term winning strategy. The main reason for their conclusion is that “American strategy against Al Qaeda in Somalia depends on AMISOM, which is a fragile military coalition among weak, poor, and domestically challenged states.” Based on their study, this strategy has been unable to defeat Al Shabab or prevent it from regaining lost ground. It is clear from their conclusion that the US and EU need an Ethiopian government that is democratic, reliable and fair to its own people.
Evidence supporting that conclusion was observed when the ethnocentric regime in Addis Ababa faced popular uprisings in 2015 and 2016 against its corrupt and barbaric rule. Because of the uprisings, the TPLF decided to withdraw most of its soldiers and deploy them in Amhara and Oromo regions to suppress protests. The fact that the TPLF regime is undemocratic, ethnocentric, divisive, excessively corrupt, and terrorizing its own citizens will make it unreliable. The US should understand by now that the TPLF was not, is not and will not be a good partner.
The problems with the TPLF go back to its core principle, which is using ethnic cleansing as means to prolong its time in power. One of the founders and former chief of TPLF leaders were clear from the get go saying they will stay in power as long as the two major ethnic groups in the country (Amhara’s and Oromos) are antagonized. That makes the TPLF a primitive organization with a sick philosophy. To carry out its principle, the regime divided Ethiopia along ethnic lines and encouraged animosity by favoring one ethnic group over another. To weaken ethnic groups that challenge the TPLF, it denied basic resources to them, intentionally crippling their regional economies, and worse, the TPLF systematically committed genocides in Amhara, Oromo and Gambella regions.
The recent crisis in Eastern Ethiopia is well planned and encouraged by the regime. As the TPLF faces political and economic pressure, it orders its puppet reginal leaders, like Abdi Mohamoud Omar, President of the Somali region in Ethiopia and well-known torturer, to punish ethnic groups that revolt against its brutal dictatorship. By doing so, the TPLF intentionally destabilizes the region. President Abdi’s Facebook page officially targets and threatens to expel Oromos and Amhara’s who live in the region. It is very disturbing to see a president intentionally inciting violence against specific ethnic groups on his Facebook page. After allowing hundreds of thousands to be displaced and thousands to be killed, the TPLF plans to act like a power broker and a peace maker. The sad reality is that its military leaders allowed the killings and the displacements to go on in their presence and the TPLF is behind all the despicable human tragedies in the Harar region. The regime is so brutal and selfish that it is planning to make sure people in the Harar region will feel unsecured and terrified of each other just to carry on its sick plan.
According to a recent report by The Guardian, a research done in Africa by the UN concludes creation of terrorist organizations in Africa is largely due to brutal and selfish leaders who lead suppressive regimes that create extremists that have nothing to lose in that system because their lives have already been ruined by it. Those extremists in other parts of the world as well as in Africa are making the world a hellish place to their own people as well as western nations. If the US allows the TPLF to stay in power and play its cruel game with Ethiopians, the country may soon turn into a very different place.
Instead of helping to defeat terrorism in Somalia, the brutal TPLF could generate extremist factions in Ethiopia that were never there before. Extremists like Al Shabab will have a good ground to flourish in Ogden as there are Oromos and Somalis fighting there in the war that the TPLF created. The kids that are born and are growing up in those regions are growing with no help from the government. They witness their parents being killed and tortured by government soldiers, they are allowed to starve and suffer from communicable diseases and they are intentionally deprived of food and medicine. These children are likely to feel like they have nothing more to lose in life and prefer to join extremist factions in a society where they get the reassurance they never got from their own governments. That way, the TPLF could create extremist fighters that will not care about family, society, law and order, education and other things in life we value.
If the US and its allies want to win the war on terror in Somalia, they should stop helping this ethnocentric regime that rules with a sick philosophy that encourages ethnic cleansing, a regime that tortures its opponents, a regime that kills thousands of peaceful protesters and displaces hundreds of thousands of its people. The US and its allies should wake up and do the right thing by standing behind forces that would like to direct the country towards democratic governance. Help those who would like to allow all Ethiopians, regardless of their ethnicity and religious beliefs, to work hard, flourish together and build a democratic society. That is the type of government the US needs as reliable partner against the war on terror in Somalia, and that is why Congress needs to support and pass H.R. 128, and the Senate needs to pass S.R. 168 as soon as possible and hold the TPLF regime accountable for its actions.
References:
https://theglobalobservatory.org/2017/01/amisom-african-union-peacekeeping-financing/
http://www.nation.co.ke/news/africa/Amisom-receives-Sh20bn-from-EU-to-pay-soldiers/1066-3393428-g5bggx/index.html
http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/about/work.shtml
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/07/african-governments-actions-push-people-into-extremism-study-finds
https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/04/05/ethiopia-no-justice-somali-region-killings
http://www.untoldstoriesonline.com/my-brother-was-killed-by-the-president-in-the-somali-regional-state/
Top financial providers to AMISOM include the US, EU and UK.
NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force (www.ethionynj.com)
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Ethiopia: The Runaway Patriots!
By Eyassu Lebenu
A patriot fights for what is right and gives the last possible price to the cause he believes in than running away from challenges and adversity. But, reading below you might find how the ‘runaway patriots’ title best suit the nature and action of those Ethiopians who happen to escape from the dictatorship of the TPLF led Ethiopian government and reside as refugees in other western countries
Ever since the coming to power of TPLF led government in Ethiopia in May 1991 many able Ethiopians, including Journalists, Academicians, Human rights activists, Diplomats /including me/ and Opposition political party members who were unable to exercise their human and democratic rights or jailed, tortured, harassed and persecuted for doing so had been obliged to leave their nation. They were left with no chance at home to be treated as a free people and it became a necessity to go in exile to start a new life in a new environment from scratch. In the last two decades those who could have been able to lift the nation in social and economic development left their nation is countless being helpless and hopeless in the system in Ethiopia.
I have no doubt that making the decision to leave a system that does not let people to live as human being with all their Human rights and dignities respected is a decision that requires courage and conviction. A conviction to say no to be treated as second class citizen, the decision to resist being party to a system that cares most for its continuity than the progress of the nation, and the determination to express resentment to what is being done that does harm to the interest of the nation than benefit it is one quality any patriot would posses. This being the case, however, it is not the end in itself. Beyond saying no to injustice and undemocratic practices and depart from the system as a show of opposition it is imperative that action should be taken to obliterate the same system from the source.
It is a knowledge to all Ethiopians and other western nation that the ethnic based politics of the regime in Ethiopia that galvanizes ethnic tensions; the control of the nation’s military and security by one ethnic group; the inability of the regime to feed its citizens even after more than two decades in power; the coercion and intimidation of civil servants to be members of the ruling party, and the control of democratic institutions like, election offices, media and courts, by the party in power are some of the basis that brought many Ethiopians in contradiction to the regime. As long as its politics and policies are effective in perpetuating its hegemony and it clings to power the regime sees no reason to change them unless faced with an opposing force or pressure from western nations.
Before I made the decision to defect from my diplomatic post and go in exile this same dilemma has been bugging me. There were two options, one was to be silent and support the system disregarding the injustices and unfair practices or the other option was to say no and be a refuge. Like many before me, I took the second option of being a refuge to live as a free thinking human being. Many more have been following that same path up until now. So long as the system persists, it is no wonder many other will follow in the future.
Now, the question is not defecting from a regime that is unable and unwilling to change to the better is good or bad. The question is what and how much are we doing to change the system we defect from and embark on a safe ground. That is what I regard lies behind being a patriot. To commit to a cause no matter what the circumstances and no matter hard and tough the price we have to pay. It is worth mentioning this famous words by an American patriot Nathan Hale, before he was hanged for spying on the British troops on September 22, 1776, he said, ‘I only regret that I have but one life to lose for my country.’ Same kind of patriots from our own country had come and passed sacrificing their lives for the cause of freedom and justice in its long history. The problem is not whether we have people who exemplify what it is to be a patriot. The problem is are we able and willing to follow them.
We cannot be hypocrite and say the same like Nathan. Let alone wishing to die twice are we at least giving time to think about changing the system that detached our roots and made us face life away from the only place we knew. No adversity, no challenge or injustice could be won with silence or by running away from it. It requires courage and conviction through all means necessary to make what is wrong right. Our exile is not an end in itself for the injustice and human rights violation of millions back home. Rather, it should be a force to put pressure on the beast that long controlled the hills of power in Ethiopia for far two long unable and unwilling to unclench its fists.
Demanding nations to put pressure on the regime in Ethiopia through different means should be the task of those of us who are victims and are able to escape it and live in other nations where the long and deep hand of the dictatorship back home cannot reach. It is our task to make all known our plight and yearning for the respect of human dignity and freedom through medias and demonstrations as many already are doing. We have to demand the US and other influential nations to do their part in the fight to end injustice and human rights violation. It is very true as Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”
We have to both fight and pray until justice is prevailed and the rights of citizens, without regard to ethnicity and political opinion, are fully respected. However, to sit back and do nothing should not be an option. leaving the country or escaping from the tyranny and persecution of the Tigray government would be sensible. But doing nothing once one escape from the gulag makes his/her action senseless and make one to be called nothing but a runaway patriots!
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(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 10)
Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 10)
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Oromo leader Merera Gudina: the Biggest victim of Ethiopia state of emergency?
By Africa News
Ethiopia’s parliament in August 2017 voted to lift a state of emergency imposed since October 2016. What started as a six-month measure to quell anti-government protests, eventually lasted 10 months.
After the initial expiration in April 2017, the parliament voted a four-month extension citing the need to consolidate peace gains made during the initial period.
At the time of the first expiration, the government was reporting of successes chalked, among others, the return to peace and the downgrading of some of the ‘choking’ measures under the emergency rule.
The Command Post tasked with enforcing the curfew had reported mass arrests at a point, followed by rehabilitation and mass release of a number of protesters. Others they said, were being processed before court.
Of the thousands that are still held in custody, one man, a major opposition voice in the country is clearly the standout figure around whom a lot of news and diplomatic back and forth revolves – Merera Gudina, PhD, Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC).
The arrest and continued detention of Dr. Merera Gudina has been slammed by Human Rights Groups – particularly Human Rights Watch.
The European Union Parliament, a group of U.S. senators, members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have all waded into his particular case and that of Ethiopia’s democratic space and clampdown on dissent.
Dr. Merera Gudina, a respected university scholar has been involved in Ethiopian politics for over four decades. He has become the embodiment of the current struggle for an open and democratic Ethiopia.
Continue reading: Africa News
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Ethiopian, Egyptian Fleeing Deportation Re-arrested
KUWAIT CITY, Kuwait (Arab Times)―An Egyptian man and an Ethiopian woman who escaped from the Deportation Center at two different locations were apprehended by security operatives attached to the Criminal Security Sector, represented by General Department for Drug Control and General Department for Criminal Detectives, reports Al-Anba daily.
A security source said the Egyptian escaped from the deportation bus on the way to the airport. The incident took place in the presence of a police officer whose duty was to hand them over to a colleague at the concerned department in the airport. The Egyptian cleverly mixed with passengers in the airport when the officer stopped the bus in front of the departure lounge and led the deportees to the hall. They only they discovered an extra passport.
The officer kept silent about it while the absconder vanished into the thin air. By chance, officers from the General Department of Drug Control arrested the suspect 21 days later. He was high on drug and confessed it would have been better if he was deported in the first instance. The same source added an Ethiopian also disappeared from the deportation camp few days ago. She was supposed to be deported the same day she fled the place but her happy moment was short-lived, as she was apprehended by the operatives later.
Source: Arab Times
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Ethiopia is slowly sleepwalking into ethnic war. Can it be averted?
Written by Teshome M. Borago,
In 2004, the former Chairman of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party, Hailu Shawul, held a conference in Addis Ababa before the election. In his speech, Hailu told the crowd that he was not worried about the ruling party, the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), imprisoning him and the opposition. "I am most concerned about the slow and sporadic mass killings due to the false hope of unrealistic tribal borders," he said.
Almost 13 years later, the deadly consequences of ethnic-federalism politics is resulting in increasing tension within Ethiopian society.
Over the last several days, dozens of Sidamas have been killed and a further 50,000 have been cleansed out of a region that straddles the Oromia and Somali regions—previously known as Bale—by Oromo extremists, a region the two communities shared for centuries.
And last month, nearly a thousand Oromos and Somalis perished due to another tribal border conflict in the southeast – a region that can never be ethnically demarcated due to the nomadic lifestyle of each side. Many of the dead were women and children, with tens of thousands more becoming refugees in their own country.
This is the ugly face of Ethiopia's ethnic-federalism politics, an apartheid-style separation of land that divides people based on tribe. It is a dangerous experiment created and institutionalised by former TPLF Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
It will get worse as more ethnic elites rise up and become impatient with the harsh reality that ethnic-federalim on paper is unrealistic and impractical on the ground.
Just like Rwanda's tribal warlords, the Ethiopian "activists" and intellectuals representing various tribes have stirred up the country like never before.
Unlike Rwanda, these tribal elites are often western-based and educated: and they use internet and social media; not radio or walkie-talkies. For instance, tribal elites like Tekle Yeshaw, Jawar Mohammed, Tsegaye Ararrsa and others have become outspoken about the failures of TPLF's ethnic based administration.
The big problem is that these tribal elites don't want democracy, and they don't oppose tribalism; they actually want more of it.
For example, Tekle Yeshaw claims towns in northern Gondar, of the Amhara administrative unity, belong only to his Amhara tribe; and Tsegaye Ararssa has spread propaganda that non-Oromos are "alien" and "settlers" in Addis Ababa; while Jawar Mohamed is famous for chanting "Ethiopia out of Oromia."
Oblivious of the fact that Oromos themselves migrated to this area and that the former Gondar province was never synonymous with "Amhara," such misinformed tribal elites have instigated the so-called #Oromoprotests and #Amharaprotests.
All these tribal elites share one thing in common with former Ethiopian President Meles Zenawi: the disastrous and archaic notion that every piece of land in Ethiopia is exclusively owned by one ethnicity.
It is this dangerous concept that motivated some Oromo students to rise up against the natural expansion of a diverse metropolitan city like Addis Ababa. Diversity, globalization, urbanization and multiculturalism are a threat to the narrow ethnocentric worldviews of tribal elites.
A worldview has been imposed nationwide since 1991 by the TPLF Ministry of Education, where ethnic politics is valued more than the math and science. Therefore, many analysts are not surprised that the new drivers of the opposition are actually former students, soldiers and ex-cadres of the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organization (OPDO) and Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) branches of the ruling party.
With dreams of rewriting the multiethnic history of Addis Ababa and the larger Shewa region; Tribal nationalists have recently demanded renaming the various districts of Addis Ababa in another language. Now, the only thing stopping genocidal tribalism from repeating what they did in Bale, again in Addis Ababa, is the capital city's status as the political center of Africa and host to international embassies.
Away from the eyes of the international community, ethnic conflicts are heating up in every rural area. Even the US Embassy in Addis Ababa announced its concern with "troubling reports of ethnic violence and the large-scale displacement of people."
This is a big deal, because it takes a lot for Western governments to admit problems facing their darling ally in Addis Ababa.
A few dozen dead Ethiopians is usually not a big deal for the West. It's not that they don't value human life, but mostly because they don't have very high expectations of Africa. We may call it a soft bigotry of low expectations or a by-product of geopolitics.
Since the end of the Cold War, the West hardly cared about the Horn of Africa, and even well-informed observers admit that the bar is set very low for the TPLF. But how low? A British journalist recently gave me his pessimistic assessment of TPLF's job approval through western eyes. "There hasn't been a resumption of civil war (in Ethiopia)-- which is an achievement," he concluded.
This is a blunt reminder that the world has no plans to end this Rwanda in slow motion. Ethiopians are alone.
Ironically, a big factor that has prevented Ethiopia from collapsing altogether is the primary trademark of TPLF's tyrannical rule: its homogenous Tigrayan federal security.
Unlike the previous DERG regime which had a multiethnic diverse federal army that defected under pressure; the TPLF federal army is immune from desertion and enjoys strong ethnic cohesion. Whether an overstretched single tribal army can contain so many crises in a country of 102 million, remains to be seen. One thing is for sure; once tribal killings starts, they can quickly spiral out of control.
As we saw in Somalia, even warlords became powerless to stop the cycle of war. And Ethiopia's Facebook warriors and instigators will have even less power to stop future conflicts.
As in Rwanda and countless other conflicts, the endless cycle of revenge violence has a tendency to take on a life of its own.
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AT LEAST EIGHT KILLED, DOZENS WOUNDED IN PROTESTS ACROSS OROMIA
Written by Addis Standard,
At least eight people were killed and more than 30 wounded during fresh protests that hit several cities and towns across the Oromia regional state today, according to Addisu Arega Kitessa, head of the Oromia government communication affairs bureau.
In a statement posted on his Facebook page, Addisu Arega said that five people were killed by during a protest rally in Shashemene town, 250 km south east of Addis Abeba, in west Arsi zone of the Oromia regional state. He also said that three more people were killed in Bookeeti town, west Hararghe zone of the Oromia region in eastern Ethiopia, where more than 30 were also wounded, according to Addisu Arega.
In a security alert issued by the US Embassy in Addis Abeba, the embassy cautioned US citizens of “violent protests and road closures in and around Shashamane.” It also said there were”reports of causalities” and alerted US citizens to “avoid travel to Shashamane at this time.”
Additional protests were also held in Ambo, 125 km west of Addis Abeba and one of the epicenters of the 2014-2016 Oromo protests. A video received by Addis Standard, which we later on verified, show that thousands of young protesters marching through the city chanting “down, down Woyane” in reference to TPLF, the all too powerful member of Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, EPRDF.
However, the protests, which lasted for more than three hours, went peaceful. Some pictures show the regional state police force in the midst of the protesting youth with no sign of hostilities.
Furthermore, according to DW Amharic, more protests were held in Dodola town, some 70 km east of Shashemene in West Arsi zone. DW reported that members of the police, city administration officials, the youth and ordinary city residents have all taken part in the protest. Protesters were also chanting messages of support, among others, for jailed prominent Oromo opposition party leaders including Dr. Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba, two senior members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and who are among the more than 25 senior and junior leadership of the party currently in jail. They were also chanting message of resolve regarding the ownership status of Addis Abeba and Dire Dawa cities, according to DW.
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Ethiopia: Nine killed in clashes between Afaris and Tigray security forces
Written by ESAT,
Nine people were killed in clashes between the Afaris and security forces of the Tigray region in an area called Danti in Megalle district on the border between the two regions.
Six people were killed and nine others wounded on the Tigray side while three were killed and three others injured on the Afari side, according to the president of the Afar Human Rights Organization, Gaas Ahmed.
Ahmed told ESAT that the fighting was sparked when an Afari father retaliated the killing of his two children by the Tigray side.
He said the control of salt extraction in Afar by the Tigrayans was also cause of resentment by the Afars. The Afaris have warned that they would not be responsible for the consequence of the action by the Tigrayans taking control over the resources of Afar, according to Ahmed.
The Afaris also accused that the Somali Special Police have raided a village in Aafar injuring three people and robbing livestock. Two people were killed on the Somali side, according to Ahmed.
The conflict between the Afaris and the Issa Somalis in Keroma, Gewalle began when the TPLF regime transferred three Afari villages to the Somalis six years ago. The recent fight was reignited when the Somalis tried to construct a health center in Keroma that met objections by the Afaris.
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(ESAT Video) Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 11)
Latest News in Ethiopia (Oct. 11)
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Ethiopia: Rights Groups Joint Letter to US Congress, Regarding H.Res. 128
The Honorable Paul Ryan
Speaker of the House
H-232 The Capitol
Washington, D.C. 20515
Dear Speaker Ryan,
We are writing to underscore the importance of House Resolution (H.Res.) 128 and the need to bring it to a vote as soon as possible. The resolution, which calls for respect for human rights and encourages inclusive governance in Ethiopia, has strong bipartisan support with 71 co-sponsors. It passed the Foreign Affairs Committee unanimously on July 27, 2017 and was scheduled for a vote on October 2nd. However, on Thursday, September 28, the measure was removed from the calendar without explanation.
Last week, a Member of Congress publicly stated that H.Res.128 had been pulled due to threats by the Ethiopian government that if the House proceeded with a vote, Ethiopia would withdraw as a partner on regional counterterrorism efforts.
Ethiopia has long been an important security ally of the United States and continues to receive financial, intelligence and military assistance. However, its worsening human rights record, which includes a brutal crackdown on dissent since 2015 and near elimination of democratic space in the country, has introduced profound instability in the region. The US has long seen a stable and prosperous Ethiopia as crucial to the effectiveness of its counterterrorism efforts.
We believe H.Res.128 represents an important and long overdue response to Ethiopia’s heavy-handed tactics against largely peaceful protests that began in Oromia in 2015 and later spread to the Amhara region in 2016. Together these regions represent around 70 percent of the population of Ethiopia. They indicate a widespread grassroots desire for reform in the country.
A strong, unambiguous signal from the US demanding concrete reforms is required to avert crisis and to create a path toward sustainable regional stability. The passage of H.Res.128 represents an important first step in that direction and should not be derailed by last-minute bullying tactics. This would not be the first time the government of Ethiopia has made threats of this nature and it is worth noting they have never been carried through.
The resolution raises a number of important recommendations that could benefit both Ethiopia and the United States in their counterterrorism partnership while encouraging the government of Ethiopia to take steps to open up civic space, ensure accountability for human rights abuses, and promote inclusive governance.
We believe the resolution should be placed back on the House agenda and voted on as soon as possible in order to show support for the people of Ethiopia in their desire to have a stable, prosperous and democratic country.
Sincerely,
Amhara Association of America
Amnesty International USA
Center for Justice and Accountability
Ethiopia Human Rights Project
Freedom House
Human Rights Watch
Oromo Advocacy Alliance
Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia
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Government Forces Kill 4 in Ethiopia's Oromia Region
By Salem Solomon | VOA
Ethiopian government forces killed four people and wounded 18 others Thursday in the town of Soda in the restive Oromia region.
Residents, who asked for anonymity out of fear of retaliation by the Ethiopian government, told VOA’s Horn of Africa service that eight trucks escorted by federal forces were stopped by residents of Soda and surrounding villages, suspecting the trucks were transporting weapons to special "Liyu" police in the neighboring Somali region.
Kulultu Fara, security chief of the Dirre district in the Oromia region, said, "The federal forces were angered by the residents' demand to stop the trucks and opened fire, killing four people."
He said the eight trucks suspected of transporting weapons remain in Soda, and federal government officials are talking with locals in an effort to resolve the conflict.
Violent protests
In the meantime, protests continued Thursday in several Oromia towns.
Businesses were closed in the restive town of Shashemene, where protesters were killed Wednesday by federal forces, according to a regional official.
Addisu Arega, head of the regional government's communications affairs bureau, told VOA that at least six people were killed and more than 30 wounded during protests in several Oromia cities and towns Wednesday.
Addisu said three people were killed in Shashemene, 250 kilometers southeast of Addis Ababa, and three more were killed in Bookee, in the West Hararge zone of Oromia. He added that a fourth death that was reported Wednesday in Shashemene was not related to a political incident.
On Thursday, a funeral gathering to bury those who were slain turned into a demonstration.
A witness to the demonstration told VOA that members of several other ethnicities joined the funeral crowd, expressing solidarity with the Oromos and chanting anti-government slogans.
Addisu blamed unspecified forces for instigating young people to participate in spontaneous protests, which resulted in loss of life.
Witnesses in Shashemene told VOA that federal government forces opened fire on demonstrators who marched past their camp.
Oromia has experienced periodic, sometimes violent anti-government protests since late 2015. The protesters in Shashemene were calling for the release of detained political leaders, economic justice, and ending displacements and expulsions of Oromos from towns and villages of the Somali region.
On Wednesday, the U.S. embassy in Ethiopia issued a security message advising Americans not to travel to Shashemene and adjacent areas at this time.
A large but peaceful protest took place Thursday at Ambo University in the town of Wolisso.
University lecturer Seyoum Teshome told VOA that thousands of demonstrators chanted, "Down, down, Weyane," a reference to Ethiopia’s ruling EPRDF coalition, and demanded the release of political prisoners.
Teshome said police watched the protest but took no measures to stop it, and the town was calm by midday.
Shashememe is a business and transportation hub that connects gold, coffee and other cash crops produced in southern, southeastern, eastern and mid-northern areas of Ethiopia.
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